What is the message of the regime that celebrates a man convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity? Why was Rasim Ljajić the only one who reacted appropriately in the derby? Why could Vučić no longer postpone the popular declaration? Where are the opposition and students? And how Serbia has become tired of leaders
The deceased Ratko Mladić succeeded in what no one else alive did - he united the fans of "Zvezda" and "Partizan". Together at the derby, they cheered on a man convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity, with the most disgusting chauvinist and inhumane slogan (see text on page 16). The only man from the "structures" who reacted properly and befittingly was Rasim Ljajić. The president of FC "Partizan" left the game.
What will be the consequences of the commemoration in the House of the Army, the funeral service for Mladić officiated by Patriarch Porfiria, the military honors and the presence of ministers at the funeral, including, according to the Archives of Public Meetings, about 16 fans?
It is certain that Serbia has returned to the nineties, whose special symbol is the commander of the Republika Srpska Army. For the European Union and the countries of the region, it is a clear sign that the country has not moved ideologically since the time of Slobodno Milosevic. It will also have its price.
Vučić - it's true - was not at Mladić's funeral, but for a good part of his electorate, he seemed to be. He did this by venting his anger at unnamed Western powers, declaring international courts of justice to be courts of injustice, winking and squirming in that direction. He knows that the historical revision and relativization of the crimes that he has been shining for years have given birth to good.
The European Union is certainly not happy about the attitude of the regime towards Mladic. However, as time goes on and the global right grows stronger (see text on page 40), Brussels' anger will also decrease. There will always be something ahead.
Vučić is counting on this and that. In return, Serbia will acquire the unspoken status of a pariah country, with which one should not have much to do without a great need.
A state that celebrates a person convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity must arouse caution and suspicion. Let's say - can it create serious problems in the region again? And especially when viewed through the prism of death, burial and other aspects of Mladić's character and work.
OTHERS ALSO PARTICIPATED
While this text is being written, the calling of parliamentary elections is a matter of time. Even Vučić's supporters would perceive their prolongation as insecurity and weakness.
The head of the state and the entire Ćaciland chased the numbers for more than a year and a half. He doesn't seem to have reached them. That's why he now relied with all his weight on the BIA, the police, the beaters... Of course - and on the unprecedented propaganda terror of the regime media (see texts on pages 6 and 10).
But if the progressive hard-line electorate does not need anyone but Vučić on television screens (see text on page 18), how is the situation with the coalition and partners on the electoral list? Aren't they pretty invisible? The question is actually - how much does Vučić count on them?
None of these parties is able to pass the census, but they are important for the SNS because of the gathering of political actors who are driven by the hunger for sinecures and petty charades. Thus, in the 2023 elections, the progressive list consisted of PUPS, SPO, Vulin's Left and similar parties without politics and character. How much do they contribute to Vučić's cause today? Not significantly. They will share the fate of SNS, so their price has also fallen.
The situation with SPS is much more serious. Dačić gave Vučić a post and membership in Branko Ružić's party as a gift, thus opening a crisis among the socialists. They are preoccupied with themselves instead of the election. And since they're going out on their own as always, they face a serious risk of not passing the test.
Namely, voters do not like party splits before the elections, and then they tend to abstain or vote for someone who seems more solid to them. In the specific case – for SNS.
If the SPS remains below the census, the whole world of socialists collapses. Come on, it's a blow for Vučić too: if his most important partner breaks, and how he will feel the lack of their parliamentary mandates. They are worth more to him than the migration of a part of the SPS voters towards the SNS. Simply, a fairly even result is expected in the elections, and then there is no greater benefit from Dont's system.
All in all, Vučić's one man show hides that his auxiliary troops are on thin ice. Until now, they have used him and "finished" all kinds of things. In this situation, that was called into question by Vučić's decision that there would be no place for anyone else on the regime's stage except for him. A cult of personality and a monolithic party in a crisis do not tolerate parasites and quacks.
photo: lazar novakovićMay 2026
POLITICAL SURVIVAL AND STRUGGLE FOR POWER
The parliamentary opposition is still where it was in the last twenty-two months - it is fragmented, divided, without new ideas and people, but also with greater interest from the public and voters.
Instead of uniting and adapting to the political reality, most of those parties continued along the beaten path - promoting leaders, putting together census coalitions, repeating the same procedures with the same result, lack of responsibility, real field work and timely campaigns...
In short, three groups of opposition parties will participate in the elections - the coalition around Dragan Đilas, Mikio Aleksić and Miloš Jovanović. It seems that their main goal is to survive in the National Assembly. Will it work?
United, they would have a chance. In this way, that possibility has been significantly reduced. Even for some people within those parties, patience is greater than the hope that they will change the census. They lack activists, members of electoral committees, controllers, recognition, persuasiveness and much more. But what is - it is there.
Opposition parties that support students are in a much better position. Since their list - everything is an opportunity - will be neither homogeneous nor long-lived, in a year or two they will have an opportunity for a new start.
No matter how the upcoming elections end, I can say that they were on the right side of history, sacrificing private interests for public interests and showing solidarity and responsibility. This will later enable them to reach the ideologically diverse current student voters. Many of them already see these parties as their second choice in better times.
Finally - Student list. There has never been such interest in parliamentary candidates. It's no wonder - in the opposition, the lists were dictated by party leaders, and Vučić in SNS and satellites.
The student list was created completely differently. It was chosen by young people through a long and complex process of reconciliation, verification, acceptance, rejection... Did all the "veterans" deserve it? Certainly - no. But that is democracy, its weakness and even more, its enormous strength.
If Rector Đokić or Peđa Voštinić remain "vetted", nothing will change. On the contrary, the people will vote for students and the collective, never for individuals. And especially because the Student List was created and made to include the entire country in all its diversity, in order to start the path of healing and normalization.
In this sense, Serbia is really tired of leaders. Vučić feels it best.
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Students won in 22 cities, and SNS in only two. The former ruling party retained a huge majority in Kosovo and in prisons. Moreover, in prisons (where they won 66 percent) their number of votes increased compared to 2023. Some estimate that by the next elections, that percentage may jump up to 90 percent. Then, in Novi Pazar, SL won 38,7 percent of the vote, achieving a better result than Rasim Ljajić's party by 18 percent, and than Aleksandar Vučić's party by 20 percent, which is a significant indicator that, among many others, it overcame ethnic and local divisions, which many politicians deliberately cultivated
Research shows that it is a real nightmare to change the system of government that is based on the control of the whole society, from the judiciary, through regulatory bodies and state enterprises, all the way to the networks of entities that manage public assets, which are outside the direct control of the government. Let's not forget that vucicism has penetrated to the control of public toilets
Interview: Spasoje Vulević, former commander of the Special Anti-Terrorist Unit
"The instructions of the commanders were to prepare for the defense of the institutions at all costs", says Spasoje Vulevic for "Vreme", who states that around 4000 policemen were engaged on election night. He talks about how a conflict with citizens was avoided, what he heard over the police radio on March 15, and why he refused to take SAJ to the roadblocks. He warns that the mistake must not be repeated after October 5 and that without serious lustration there is no police reform
Until the election winners take the reins, the outgoing regime holds the various levers of power and has time to steal and cover tracks. Delusional progressives even claim that there will be an ordinary opposition. But none of that will go smoothly for them
After Vučić's coming to power, approximately half of the Democratic Party switched to the dark side, and it must be acknowledged that, as real converts ready to express their fierce loyalty, they particularly stood out. Here is Goran Vesić, for example. Or the ambassador to America, Dragan Sutanovac. Let's not even talk about Nebojša doctor Krstić. Now, as we can see, Milorad Dodik personally recommended himself - no less
Vučić pardoned the batterers and Dijana Hrkalović. The election winners should abolish the sultan's power that allows one man to run afoul of the entire judicial system
Davor Matura's ALTA empire is the transplanted heart of the corrupt regime of Aleksandar Vučić, who was defeated in the October 25 elections. From ALTA Bank, roads lead directly to the top of the progressive government.
Things are unfolding at an astonishing speed, as astonishing as the speed with which Vucic conceded a convincing defeat. Impatience is understandable, but misplaced
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