Under the title "Dangerous fifteen minutes", the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung writes that "mass protests threaten the system of rule of President Vučić". But also that the question is where, if students distance themselves from the political opposition
Journalist Michael Martens, a good expert on the Balkans, in an article for the respected "Frankfurter Algemeine Zeitung" assesses that Vucic is "facing the biggest challenge" since coming to power in 2012 when his SNS began to take over the state, reports Deutsche Welle.
Today's protests, despite the differences in details, are reminiscent of the "popular uprising" that overthrew Slobodan Milošević in 2000, Martens writes.
The text reminds us that the protests started after the deadly collapse of the canopy in Novi Sad, and that the authorities' initial claim that the canopy had not been renovated turned out to be a "lie".
Since then, Martens writes, a quarter of an hour of silence has been held regularly throughout Serbia at 11:52 – the hour and minute when the canopy fell.
"Those politically significant fifteen minutes are increasingly seen as a threat to the government, especially as they are linked to mass demonstrations that began in universities but are now transcending the academic milieu."
The Frankfurt newspaper reminds that the central demand of the protest is the publication of complete documentation on the reconstruction of the Railway Station in Novi Sad, which, as the oppositionists are convinced, will prove that SNS is at the center of corruption.
"Serbian Prime Minister Miloš Vučević, aide to President Vučić, announced on Sunday that the request will be fulfilled." "But the Government promised that earlier and did not fulfill it," writes Martens.
Describing "counter-rally" in Jagodina, the journalist notes that critics of the authorities claim that only forced people, employees of public companies and social cases were found there.
"Nevertheless, Vučić is still supported by a part of society," writes Martens. "These are people who are somewhat satisfied with the economic development and who do not mind or even enjoy the increasingly strong nationalist tone of the government - there are such people in Serbia, especially in the older generation."
It is unclear, the "Frankfurter Allgemeine" continues, whether and how the political energy of the protest will be translated into permanent party-relevant opposition.
"Students are consciously staying away from all opposition parties for now." They are organized at every faculty according to the principle of basic democracy with enviable discipline," writes Martens.
"But if the protests do not lead to the downfall of the government like on October 5, 2000, it remains open how the discontent will consolidate and become parliamentary effective."
The position of many demonstrators is added that the space for party engagement has been abolished in Serbia because the SNS controls the Regulatory Body for Electronic Media, election commissions, the judiciary...
"However, if the parliamentary option is rejected as an instrument of political change, then only a popular revolt remains - and Vučić showed not only with a counter rally that he will not hand over power without a fight," says Martens.
It is reminiscent of Vučić's threat to the "Cobras", a special unit of the police. This shows, writes Martens, the differences compared to Milosevic.
"In the end, the security forces turned their backs on the then Serbian ruler. In today's Serbia, this is not the case for now. Also, compared to Milosevic's Serbia, which was economically exhausted and isolated by sanctions, today that Balkan country stands somewhat solidly, and unemployment is low."
That is why, writes Martens, the coming weeks in Serbia will be exciting. "The country is no longer the same as before the accident in Novi Sad. But it has not yet been decided whether the protests will permanently shake Vučić's system of government."
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The rector of the University of Belgrade, Vladan Đokić, claims to Danas that he has been monitored for a year and a half and that he suspects that listening devices are in his office at the Rectorate, at the faculty, in his car and at home.
After the election defeat, Vučić is increasingly addressing his supporters via TikTok, Instagram and YouTube, where his posts receive hundreds of thousands of views.
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