Lost, panicked and scared

Can you imagine this situation: Vucic invites Vladimir Orlić to the Presidency before March 15, 2025 and asks him to eavesdrop student and other political actors, and director Bija cut him off dryly: "Mr. President, it doesn't occur to me, my task is to take care of the state, not your government - and that too in an illegal way."

Of course, such a dialogue is unthinkable. If he had, Vučić would not have had to pardon the Novi Sad twelve on the last day of his mandate. But - what to do? A change of government is knocking on the door, so for Vučić, the trial of the people of Novi Sad would be the opening of a door full of skeletons in his basement.

For example - who and why requested the wiretapping of the Novi Sad committee of the parliamentary Movement of Free Citizens? Is there a court order and whose signature is on it? How did the regime's televisions simultaneously play a video with increasingly demonizing comments? Why in the name of God did twelve citizens of the Republic of Serbia sit in humiliating and inhuman detention or had to leave the country? How and from where was the administration of justice?

There are many other issues related to this whole case. Did it come about because Aleksandar Vučić got scared before the protest on March 15, 2025 and in a panic abused Bija to the maximum extent and publicly? The specter of October 5, 2000 must have been walking through the Presidency on that day, because Slobodan Milošević used the same or similar methods twenty-seven years ago to stay in power (see text on page 6).

Let the people be clear - the pardoning of the Novi Sad twelve is not a sign of compassion of the former president of Serbia, nor does he care that the accused in the staged trial would end up in prison for many years, but that his udbas and similar ones will be brought to court precisely because of these people from Novi Sad. And there is every chance that Vučić's fingerprints would surface. That's why, leaving office, he tried to clean up as much as he could.

MAYORS AND CRIMINALS

The abuse of the secret service is not the only analogy with the last year of Milosevic's rule. The then president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was betrayed at one second to twelve by the structures he created in the heart of the darkness of the Yugoslav wars. Shaken and scared, Vučić left after March 15, '25. looked to avoid such a fate. It is about the dismissal of professionals and lukewarm loyalists, and their replacement by rigid and not particularly smart super-loyalists.

Vučić did not hide that it was his handiwork. On the contrary, only as he knows it, he publicly said that he could not count on most police units on March 15. In turn, the batinasi from Ćaciland became an above-the-law formation like Arkan's "Guards" and Legion's "Red Berets" during Milosevic's time.

Basically, anyone who cared at all about their reputation in the underworld had to be drawn in Ćaciland at least once. There was a promenade of "people who finish their jobs and have a strong back behind them". Since March last year, they have been playing, and the MUP has been dancing. The former head of state and the entire Ćaciland chooses the songs and pays for the music.

Just as it is unthinkable for Orlić to deny the abuse of Bija, so it could not happen even in a dream that police director Dragan Vasiljević snaps at Vučić: "For God's sake, President, we have arrested a large number of those people."

Mup of Serbia has long been embedded with progressive DNA. This is a key reason for police brutality against peaceful protesters and, related to this, their part-time work as bodyguards for criminals and mediators in mafia disputes.

Something similar happened during Milošević's time. At that time, the State Security was part of Mup and kept about 600 kilograms of heroin in the safe of Komercijalna banka. Are the BIA or the police storing drugs somewhere today? It is not known. However, it is well known that some of its members guarded one of Europe's largest marijuana plantations in Jovanjica, the "agricultural property" of Petar Koluvija, behind which the entire regime lay.

CANNON AFFAIR

This kind of police and how it has to do with the pardoning of the Novi Sad group. Well, maybe sometimes the uniformed beaters exaggerated, but for the sake of "uniting Serbia" we should go over everything, both them and the "terrorists" from Novi Sad. Therefore, Đura forgave them for beating them. This is also a propaganda mix to feed at least one part of the progressive electorate.

But there is something else. Until March 15, Vučić pretended to stay more or less away from open violence. Then he took off his gloves... An unidentified acoustic weapon played a special role in this, the effect of which was felt by thousands and thousands of citizens at the largest protest rally of all time in Belgrade.

No one believed Vučić that the "sound cannon" was not used. And how would you? Well, people from Novi Sad were eavesdropped and arrested because of what was being said in every cafe, Ćaciland was built and filled with thugs from the underground, and in the following months the police beat the streets, even using the garage of the Serbian government as a torture chamber. Why, then, would the regime that pulled all of this against its own citizens not fire on them with a "sound cannon"? Vučić is clearly bothered by this. Since no one believed him in March '25, almost a year and a half later he tried to force out his own, probably counting on the passage of time, the rapid succession of events and the threats of staged Stalinist processes, whose victim was his colleague Aleksandar Radić. The irrational report of the High Public Prosecutor's Office, in which it says "what did not happen on March 15" instead of what did, shows better than anything how the regime covers up and manipulates its own wrongdoings.

CAN YOU DO ANYTHING? 'YOU WANT, BUT NOT HOW MUCH 'YOU WANT

The Novi Sad gang, the symbiosis of the mafia and the police in Ćaciland, and the "sound cannon" are far from the only examples of the regime's violation of the law, abuse of services, legal and any other violence... But these three cases are so large and important that they could only have come about by order or at least with the approval of the man who asks about everything - Aleksandar Vučić.

In that direction, his pardon of the people of Novi Sad is a transparent attempt at damage control. The names of those pardoned from the ranks of the progressives will only show how great anxiety and deep anxiety there is in the regime's circles from the loss of power. They are not known at the time of writing this text, but they indicate that Vučić is not ready to take risks - he will either help those individuals while he still can or fear what they might say in the months to come.

All this together is a good confirmation of the old folk saying. It reads - you can do what you want, but not how much you want.

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