What is happening to us? What next? What did he bring? Student protest and what can it (not) translate into? How close are we to political change and what is needed for it? These are questions that are asked almost every day. During that time, power is still trying to find an answer to the protests that have engulfed the country like a forest fire, as well as to the social catharsis - after which manipulations by the authorities do not work as before, and indifference and fear melt away - caused by the student marches.
We talk about this and other topics with Slobodan G. Marković, professor of political anthropology at the Faculty of Political Sciences in Belgrade and the Institute for European Studies. The interlocutor asked that the phrase "Student protest" be written with a capital letter in the text, because he sees this protest as a historical event.
"WEATHER" Who has power in Serbia today??
SLOBODAN MARKOVIĆ: Let's start with who had political power until December 2024 in Serbia. There the answer is clear. The Serbian Progressive Party holds power from the republican level to the level of local communities, in a way that SPS did not succeed in during the 1990s. There is almost no municipality in Serbia where SNS is not in power. This means that political power is formally in the hands of the ruling party. Since it was embodied in the person who gave the name to the SNS list in the parliamentary elections, political power was in the hands of the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, and the SNS. Its vertical range is such that it was unknown in the political history of Serbia from XNUMX to the middle of the last decade. Even during the reign of Slobodan Milošević, his regime could not win in many municipalities of Serbia, and in the last years it did not have power even in key cities.
Regarding the level of achieved democracy, the situation is still not worse now than it was in the nineties. Back then, the country was under international isolation and in an autocratic order, while today it is in an order that is neither a democracy nor an autocracy, but something in between, but with a tendency towards autocracy. The paradox is that even in the system that was established in the nineties, such concentration of political power vertically - from the local community to the state level - was not possible. The hybridity of the order in Serbia facilitated this outcome in terms of the collapse of democracy, but it is not the only cause of it. Hybrid orders can mobilize support from all sides and are not burdened by ideological and moral constraints. The flexibility of the hybrid order has been shown in several examples in Europe and the world to be ideal for challenging liberal democracy.
And who possesses legitimacy??
After the gathering of students and citizens at Slavija on December 22, it became clear that the legitimacy of the city authorities in Belgrade is completely questionable, and after the rally in Novi Sad, its legitimacy was challenged in Novi Sad as well. With the passage of students through the cities and towns of Serbia, the authorities in Arandjelovac, Kragujevac and elsewhere were challenged. A similar civil protest challenged the legitimacy of the government in Užice, Čačak, Batočina, Vršac, Sečnje, Mionica... According to the Archive of Public Assemblies, 10 to 40 percent of the population turned out for protests in some places in Serbia. That is approximately 18 to 72 percent of those who go to the polls. Such a thing has not been recorded until now.
In the period between December 22 and the 2025 Meeting, there was a major erosion of the legitimacy of the ruling party. Power slipped away from the ruling party horizontally. The height of political power is, as Hannah Arendt says, when all are against one, the height of violence is when one is against all. Power obviously, according to that definition, depends on the number of supporters and, in that sense, we are witnessing that in Serbia it is moving away from the embodiment of that power and from the ruling party in other directions. In theory, legitimacy, like power, rests on the level of support. But when there is a civil protest going on, things are a little different. Then it becomes a key difference between voters i supporters, that is, between voters and supporters.
The voters of the ruling party are actually part of a well-organized electoral technology that the SNS partitocracy has brought to its peak. At the same time, partitocracy has existed in Serbia since the introduction of political parties, that is, from the eighties of the 19th century until today, and represents a constant problem for the consolidation of democracy. What is new in the multi-party system in Serbia, and what was the practice during the time of socialism, is that one party claims to be national and supports this by stating that it has 700000 members. That number is incredibly high, even if inflated for marketing reasons. It is 260000 higher than the number of members of the Labor Party (which has 309000 members) and the Conservative Party (131000 members) together in Britain, and that country has 10 times more inhabitants than Serbia. Such a number of members significantly determines the outcome of the election in advance. According to current British practice, the ruling party, at the level of Serbia, should have between 12500 and 31000 members!
Protests in Serbia have shown that voters are not supporters. The debacle of the ruling party at the rally in Jagodina exposed that difference when, on December 100000, 22 people showed up in Jagodina out of 14000 citizens in Belgrade. Even those 14000 were not supporters, as revealed by the witty contributions of some journalists and the data that the vast majority were brought from various parts of Serbia. Even the rally in Sremska Mitrovica did not improve the impression that the ruling party in Serbia could consolidate its ranks. On the contrary. The problem for the ruling party is that non-partisan voters can easily switch sides or become passive when social upheaval occurs, and the party is now in dire straits on how to stem the ongoing wave of delegitimization. In fact, it is difficult to foresee any scenario in which she could stop this process.
In other words - political theory says that we are very close to political change?
It is already estimated that the Student Protest in Serbia is the largest protest led by students in Europe since 1968. A movement that is something quite new, without analogies 57 years ago, cannot be easily viewed. It is even more difficult to make forecasts. The delegitimization of the semi-authoritarian regime was caused by one, from the point of view of the political system, non-institutional factor - the gathering of the student plenum. Plenums insist on evolution, political maturation of society and strengthening of institutions. This is all a prerequisite for fair and free elections. Only these elections can lead to a change of government. Alternatively, the government can collapse on its own, but if we look at the closest analogy with Montenegro, that is unlikely without an election.
And what is it, in that bigger picture, with coalition partners SNS? What is their role??
They are an additional factor of uncertainty. The ruling party's coalition partners with SNS are not bound by any ideological closeness. They are the weakest link of the regime. That is why the formation of a new movement was announced. But it seems that the very creation, or the attempt to create, that movement will bring more problems than benefits to the ruling coalition, and it could also lead to a crisis of certain coalitions. The dynamics by which Serbia could reach the point of having free and fair elections will depend on the level of social pressure. Certainly, Serbia is now much closer to that possibility than at any time earlier in this decade.
How do you see the resolution of the political crisis in Serbia?? What steps are necessary??
Preparation for free and fair elections is the only institutional way out. The problem is that the part of Serbia that is on the streets, and that means all the opposition political parties, does not trust the authorities that they are ready to provide the conditions for free elections. The change in the composition of the government will not please anyone and it is just a maneuvering move by the government to avoid calling elections in which it would be the only participant. It is in the government's interest to buy time and hope that the student and civil movement will subside, as happened with the previous four movements: "Bloody Shirts", "One in five million", "Serbia against violence", and the ecological and civil movement against the exploitation of lithium. If the newly elected government is also short-lived, I don't see what else the government will be able to do but, in the end, accept the concept of a transitional government that would prepare free elections?
What is the role of the opposition in this?, which movement, and which students?
Protests in Serbia have a multidimensional character. These are mainly student and civil protests in which the bearers of the activity are students, and they are decisively supported by artists, professors, scientists, educators, graduates, lawyers, taxi drivers and others. That part of the protest has both the character of a student movement and the character of a civil movement, and they complement each other. Protests are already taking place in over 300 places in Serbia, and in most of those places there are no faculties or higher schools. In those places, the bearers of the protests are civil activists and opposition political parties and movements. Finally, the environmental movement is another part of the protest.
The protests of "Serbia against violence" and the large protests against the exploitation of lithium last year clearly showed that the potential of civil protest is much wider than the potential of gatherings led by the political opposition. Already from the end of 2023, the axis began to shift in favor of civil activism. The main problem is how to direct civil activism in the direction of institutional changes. Partitocracy in Serbia, which reached its peak under the SNS, has rendered politics meaningless, including oppositional political activity. That is why we now have a political vacuum. The government is delegitimized, and the legitimacy does not pass to the political opposition. Symbolically, the students also assumed a part of the political authority. They show no ambition to turn it into political power. Thus, a broad social dialogue becomes a necessary thing.
Dialogue is definitely needed in Serbia. At the level of the government and the opposition, it is difficult to implement without the mediation of the European Union, but it is very important. When it comes to democratic Serbia, that dialogue is even more important, but not with the authorities, but between each other. A dialogue is needed between all social actors (students, academic community, civil activists, political parties and movements) who advocate for the liberation of institutions and who work to achieve free and fair elections.
How is it possible that they are a cult of the personality of Aleksandar Vučić, which has been built for more than a decade and in which so many funds and resources have been invested, students broke up so quickly?
I don't know if I would call it a cult of personality, since it is difficult to build a cult of personality in a pluralistic society, and even in a defective pluralistic society like the Serbian one. What happened in Serbia in the previous 12 years, I would rather label as a systematic effort to create the impression that the achievements of the government and the former prime minister, and now the president of Serbia, are "the greatest in its history". Such an impression has been breaking since the "Serbia against violence" movement. The student protest only exposed to the end what became clear already in 2023, which is that the majority of Serbian citizens do not want a strong leader but strong institutions, but that they are not sure who can lead Serbia to that change. When I say the majority, I mean all citizens, not just those who go to the polls.
The main reason, however, lies in the generational framework of the Student Protest. Zoomers (generations born between 1997 and 2009) react differently from baby boomers and X-Men (generations born between 1946 and 1980), who make up the majority of the political elite both in Serbia and in the world. Put simply, while Boomers are consumers, X-Men are consumers and somewhat cynical. Those inclined to endless criticism found it easier to accept a semi-authoritarian government than it did for the Zoomers. While the X-Men debate endlessly and futilely on social media, always without agreement on any topic, the Zoomers react differently. They are very sensitive to violence and any form of coercion. This has also been shown by some researches in Serbia. They simply cancel all those who, according to their standards, behave intolerantly and who support violence.
During the meeting at Autokomanda, I passed by the present students while the loudly announced address of the President of Serbia continued. I watched their reactions carefully. Almost no one was looking at their mobile phone. So almost none of the students present paid attention to the speech addressed to them. The students read the Constitution and learned Article 112. They concluded that the president is not the competent institution for their demands and that it does not fit their vision of tolerant behavior. Thus, by ignoring the president in their world, they destroyed the impression of exceptionalism that is created about him in the pro-state media. The students raised the slogan "you are not in charge", and this attitude of theirs spread throughout the entire protest.
What was the key here??
There are certainly several key points. On the students' side, their innovation and speed of reaction is key, which an ossified regime is unable to follow. Equally important is the reaction of the authorities, who thought that they could deal with the students through pressure and threats. What is true for buzzers in general is even more true for the student population within buzzers. Resistance to violence is an unconditional thing for them, and the regime tried to deal with them with pressure. An atmosphere that encourages physical confrontations with students was created and is being created. It turned out that such an approach by the government is pointless because the horizontal resistance of the students is so broad that it has included the entire society, which means the children and relatives of everyone: both those who cooperate with the regime and those who oppose it. And the police, who are similarly horizontally connected to the students, could not wait to be instructed to protect the students. Already during the meeting at the Autokomanda, it became clear that the regular police forces show great sympathy for the Student protest.
What is the role of the marches from Belgrade to Novi Sad, and now from all parts of Serbia to Kragujevac? What do they bring??
The marches from Belgrade to Novi Sad and the Sretenjski March from various cities in Serbia to Kragujevac are extremely important for the symbolic mapping of freedom. The student protest marches map a new Serbia that self-identifies as a Serbia freed from fear. The first act was a rally at Autokomanda. Then, a zone was symbolically created from the Temple of Saint Sava to the Autokomanda, which was free from fear. It was a spectacle of diversity and proof that Serbia, freed from fear, has room for everyone: from students who live the most diverse lifestyles, to artists and professors, to bikers, farmers and veterans of elite military units. The slogans included everything from Che Guevara to liberalism to patriotic messages. In the marches that followed, every place through which the students passed participated, anthropologically speaking, in the process of crossing. That transition was from a state of anxiety and anguish to something that those who participated in the students' receptions, according to their own statements, experienced as a newly acquired freedom. It is difficult to find something similar in the recent political history of Serbia, something with which we could compare the importance of these marches. The symbolic potential of these marches is huge and I think we are not yet able to see all the changes they could bring.
You are currently researching students' views on various issues. Can you reveal some findings to us?
For now, I would like to focus on the analysis of slogans and messages that members of the plenum wear at protests and that they publish through social networks. As for the messages, they reveal a high social and political maturity, an astonishing level of innovation, and give insight into the main messages of the protest. They are directed against what the members of the plenum perceive as ubiquitous corruption in Serbia, the lack of rule of law, and the absence of media freedom. There are also messages that students want to stay in Serbia. All these messages speak in favor of the fact that the main current of the Student Protest could be called "constitutional patriotism", that is, that form of activism that, by referring to the Constitution, provides an inclusive approach and ensures freedom to all citizens of Serbia.
Each plenum has its own special slogans, which stem from the scientific direction for which they are trained. Pharmacists in Belgrade have disease indications, a description of side effects and a proposal for therapy. They believe that it is too late for prophylaxis, but that they have an antidote for various social poisons! FON students performed a SWOT analysis and concluded that the greatest strength of the student movement is in the students, and the greatest prospects are in order, justice and a better tomorrow. One of the messages from the students of the Faculty of Economics in Novi Sad is "depreciate corruption, not our future". Wittiness is a way of criticizing the participants of the plenum, so the students of the Faculty of Traffic in Belgrade say to the opponents of the blockades: "If the blockades bother you, ride the metro."
What gave you the strongest impression about how plenums work??
With the caveat that I attended only the introductory parts of the plenum, I can say that my impressions are extremely favorable. The level of respect that plenum participants show for each other is enviable. Another commendable thing is the way they overcome their differences. They highlighted and defined demands that can mobilize everyone. Mutual solidarity is also very important and clearly visible among the participants of the plenum. Finally, inclusivity is something that IX people should learn from the plenum participants.
What is the position of Serbia?, what kind of regime, and what kind of demonstrators in the international framework today?
Again, a parallel should be made with November 2024. At that time, the regime in Serbia stood extremely well in the international community. The almost comical maneuvering in Serbian foreign policy seemed quite risky, but after the victory of Donald Trump, it gained a new context and previous condemnations of such an attitude by certain Western countries were completely relativized. It seemed that the policy of satisfying the particular interests of all the great powers brought favorable results for the regime in Serbia.
Since the beginning of this year, all that seems to have gone down the drain. In the last month, the authorities in Serbia have been discussed very critically in the European Parliament and the commissioners of the European Commission for the first time comprehensively list all the problems regarding the rule of law in Serbia that analysts have been pointing to for years. As many as three of the four key groupings of parties that form the majority in the European Parliament resolutely condemned the authorities in Serbia and supported the demands of the Student and Citizen Protest. One member of the European Parliament paid tribute to the students in Serbia and their movement. The number of negative and critically intoned texts about the authorities in Serbia in the last month is constantly increasing. Only after the December 2023 elections was there a period of stronger criticism of the Serbian authorities, but the current wave of criticism is even more pronounced.
In terms of student support, the first two months passed without much support. Gatherings at Autokomanda, in Novi Sad and Kragujevac bring support from all over the democratic world, both in depth and breadth. In Slovenia and Greece, there is huge interest and support for the Student Protest, and the citizens of Southeast European countries are showing solidarity. In addition, an increasing number of universities in the world are engaged in student protests, and the support of media icons such as Novak Djokovic, Madonna, Marina Abramović, Severina and others is of great importance.
The Western media's image of the government in Serbia in recent weeks is quite unfavorable. Many of them are now wondering how long she can survive and analyzing what her alternative is. It is also a novelty that an increasing number of Western media accept the fact that the majority of Serbian citizens are firmly against the exploitation of lithium and that therefore it is of little importance whether the current authorities support the project or not.
