Eric Beckett Weaver (Eric Beckett Weaver) was born in Oregon, he completed his history studies at Oxford University, he has lived in Budapest since 1991. He teaches political science at the University of Debrecen. I ask the interlocutor about the reforms that Orbán's regime made in education.
"Changes in universities meant a dramatic takeover of the management of universities, even private ones". He is not referring to the Central European University, but to those that have been privatized.
"I would call it false privatization. Namely, a few years ago it was announced that universities would be placed under the management of foundations and boards of directors, thus becoming independent from the state. However, that did not happen. The state now even sets enrollment quotas for private universities, how many students go to which program, how many points they should have..."
But it is not only about the criteria under the control of the state, but also about people: "President Hungary appoints the rector. So the university can choose a candidate that the authorities don't like and the ministry or the president can refuse to sign the appointment."
At the University of Debrecen, where he works, the Ministry's candidate did not have the necessary qualifications, the University asked him to withdraw, but the Minister simply ignored it.
"Then the teaching staff were stripped of their voting rights on university issues. Only the heads of departments and institutes vote."
Student organizations are practically all under the control of Fidesz.
Although he himself had no such pressures, Eric Beckett Weaver heard stories from other departments that there was political interference in course content: "The dean or the rector would tell them - if you continue to teach that, it's over, your career will practically be over."
Also, universities generally introduced a rule that employees cannot talk to the media without the management's permission, that is, to reveal "secrets about the functioning of the university". The list goes on: if an employee wants to apply for, say, a scientific project, an EU program (although, due to privatization, Hungarian universities have largely been left without that opportunity, without Erasmus, etc.), the university must give its consent. However, if it is a person from the "black list", there is nothing to consent.
Who is on the blacklist?
"Critics of the regime, people active in supporting the government before Fidesz, and sometimes it's about personal revenge - the minister doesn't like you," says Eric Beckett Weaver. And for most scientific projects awarded by the state, it is generally known who will receive the funds anyway.
Finally, at the very beginning of the reign, Fidesz founded the University of Public Administration, merging several existing institutions - this University has the exclusive right to issue diplomas for work in public administration. "Anecdote" follows: when it was founded, about 15 years ago, two lecturers were in the office reading newspapers that did not support the government. The rector saw this and the very next day both were fired. The reason - they leave a bad impression on students, they are not a good role model.
The story about Fidesz and the Hungarian education system could go on for days. But since the elections are approaching, I ask the interlocutor - does he think it is even possible for Orbán to lose power.
"I'm going to give a cautiously optimistic answer - yes. Cautiously, because the amount of fraud in previous elections and voter intimidation is truly frightening. In the film The price of a vote, among other things, shows the case of the Roma in eastern Hungary, where a woman was told that her children would be taken from her if she did not vote for Fidesz. Imagine, someone threatens to take away your children! People are told that they will not get a pension, firewood for the winter..."
Eric Beckett Weaver also mentions more recent scandals - the case of an attempt to spy on Tisza that was thwarted by a nineteen-year-old young man - "which shows how ineffective the Hungarian secret services are" - the mentioned fake case with child pornography...
"A lot of things are coming to light. However, the question is - does it reach the voters in the villages", he points out.
It is interesting that in previous years, Orban, similar to Aleksandar Vučić, always spoke in front of a "strictly controlled audience", that is, only in front of his supporters. Since the Hungarian campaigner was very active on the ground and visited the villages, Orbán made his way among the people, so he was faced with protesters who whistled and loudly chanted at him. He was followed on the way by the "boys in black" who silence the protesters, sometimes take away the banners... This is new for Hungary.
Eric Beckett Weaver says that this change is also a certain sign of hope, because the whistles are finally going on the air.
He sees a lot of positive signals in the fact that people from state institutions mention the possibility of electoral defeat, and various individuals go public and distance themselves from Fidesz. There are cracks in the system.
I ask him if that means the fear is diminishing.
"Better said - careerists are thinking about life after Orban," replies Eric Beckett Weaver. "They weren't afraid before, but now they see that change is coming and they want to adapt in time."
He believes that the atmosphere is different than in 2022 - the opposition has observers at all polling stations, and almost all opposition parties have withdrawn before, realizing that the only way to defeat Orbán is to vote for one list.
And what if that happens? Will the world be a slightly better place?
"I don't want to exaggerate Orbán's role in the world, he does it himself to an excessive extent. People here are not interested in foreign policy, they are interested in inflation, fuel prices, the condition of the roads, the fact that there is no soap and toilet paper in the hospitals... But you ask me about the echo of his eventual defeat abroad - he provided material support to parties like his, I believe that there was a transfer of Russian money even to Western parties. Le Pen also received some money from Hungary, and it does not seem to me that he is missing from our budget. His support for all those parties will disappear. Fico will remain alone in the EU. And without Orban, Russia would certainly lose a lot of influence."
And could it serve as an example for others - how to defeat such a system. The interlocutor of "Vremen" thinks that it is difficult because the electoral system in Hungary is specific, different from that in Serbia.
"But it would still give hope", he points out.
A few years ago, in a documentary, a certain journalist said something like - Orbán will surely leave one day, but the biggest concern is what will remain after him. However, Eric Beckett Weaver believes that if the opposition wins, the first thing that will follow will be a big flight: "Thousands and thousands will change sides, claim that they were never for Fidesz." Many people, he expects, in lower positions will start talking about what really happened. "Anything will surface, I wouldn't be surprised if information about political murders appeared."
And if Orban still wins?
"I'm sure he will become more aggressive, he will continue to rule by decree, and he will start punishing anyone who spoke publicly against him, especially in the foreign media. People will be fired, silenced. Finally, I would not be surprised if Hungary leaves the EU if Orbán gets another mandate. In short, if he wins - revenge, revenge, revenge. Leaving the EU. And then, the last semblance of the rule of law will be discarded."
