While Serbian citizens take to the streets en masse and students brutally fight each other, the country is left without two key pillars of government - the government and the Regulatory Body for Electronic Media (REM). At the same time, the process of electing new members of REM, the body that should ensure the independence of the media space, completely fell apart due to irregularities and political manipulations that led to the withdrawal of candidates from most of the nomination areas.
...Maja Stojanović
What will we get first – new government or functional REM? The government is in resignation, and without of REM the media space remains without independent supervision, left to political influence and propaganda. Both of these bodies are crucial for the democratic functioning of the country, but the process of their formation, marked by abuses and ignoring the law, raises serious questions about their legitimacy and the trust that citizens will have in them in general.
Without clear and legal solutions for both the election of the government and the election of the REM, Serbia risks being trapped in a vicious circle of political instability and collapsed institutions. The question that remains open is whether the citizens who have already shown courage in the streets will be able to force changes that can return the country to the path of democratic values.
VUCIC AT THE STEER
Serbia is facing one of the deepest political and institutional crises in its recent history, but one thing is certain - Aleksandar Vučić is still at the helm. The resignation of the prime minister, which caused the fall of the entire government, formally shook the political elite, but fundamentally nothing has changed. Vučić's control over the institutions remains intact, while the country faces a political vacuum and the blocked process of electing new members of the Regulatory Body for Electronic Media (REM).
REM, the body that should guarantee media freedom and public interest, has been a symbol of political control and not independence for years. Instead of the process of electing new members being an opportunity to strengthen the institution, it has become a farcical display of abuses. Candidates from five of the nine nomination areas withdrew their candidacies citing illegalities, political pressures and conflicts of interest. At the same time, Vučić's dominance over the media space remains firm, and RTS and RTV continue to ignore key topics that shake the country.
In more than 150 cities and municipalities throughout Serbia, citizens are protesting, demanding justice and responsibility. The students, who were at the center of these protests after the tragic fall of the canopy in Novi Sad, were brutally beaten and trampled on the streets. Their struggle has become a symbol of resistance against a system in which every voice of dissent is stifled and institutions captured. RTS and RTV continue to censor or minimize these events, further deepening the crisis of confidence.
In this context, Vučić remains the central figure who manages all key processes. His control over REM, the media and political structures shows how far the country's institutional framework has collapsed. REM, which is supposed to be an independent regulator of the media space, is a key tool in his hands all the time. Instead of ensuring transparency and freedom of information, the process of electing new REM members serves to cement the existing political control over the media.
While citizens are on the streets looking for change, Vučić is managing the crisis through his standard political strategies – taking control of the narrative and retaining power. If the new government is formed as a mere extension of the existing government, without responding to the demands of the demonstrators and without taking responsibility for the collapse of institutions, Serbia will continue to sink into a deeper political and social crisis. Similarly, REM, formed through political manipulation and without restoring public trust, will be nothing more than another instrument to stifle media freedom.
Vučić's "rudder" currently only represents a captured state, but in increasingly restless political waves. The only question that remains is how long he can steer the sinking ship, as citizens increasingly demand change and accountability. His power is still evident, but the support from the foundations of the institutions and the trust of the citizens is waning more and more every day.
REM OR GOVERNMENT, WHAT DO WE GET FIRST??
Without legal and transparent processes of government and REM renewal, Serbia risks continuing down the path of a deep crisis of citizens' trust in the institutions that should work in their interest.
The new government, formed without responding to the demands of students and citizens en masse on the streets, will not bring stability or solutions to the accumulated problems. Instead, it will only be an extension of existing political practice - ignoring the voice of the people and continuing to erode democratic standards. The students, who started a wave of protests after the tragic fall of the canopy in Novi Sad, have already paid a high price for their demands - many of them were brutally beaten and intimidated. If their voice is ignored, the new government will not have the legitimacy to represent the interests of the citizens, but will be perceived as another means of maintaining the status quo.
On the other hand, REM is not only a regulatory body for the media space - it also plays a key role in monitoring the electoral process. Its ability to ensure equal representation of all political options in the media directly affects the democracy of elections. However, the process of electing new REM members, already compromised by manipulations, political pressures and the withdrawal of most of the candidates, indicates that REM may remain a defunct body.
In an atmosphere in which the media space is captured, and key topics of public interest are minimized or completely ignored, REM must play a crucial role in restoring the trust of citizens. Without an independent and functional REM, electoral processes remain exposed to manipulation, and freedom of information will continue to be threatened.
The citizens of Serbia rightly demand accountability and reforms, but they are faced with a political apparatus that continues to ignore their will. The question is not only what Serbia will get first - the government or REM - but whether these bodies will have the power to restore the trust of the citizens and ensure the stability and democracy that the country desperately needs. At this moment, citizens are the only real force that can ensure change, and their struggle in the streets is a crucial reminder that legitimacy comes solely from respecting the will of the people.
MIRROR OF DEMOCRACY
REM is much more than a regulatory body – it is a mirror of the state of democracy in Serbia. As a key institution for the supervision of the media space, REM has the potential to ensure free and independent media, and thus citizens' information. Without an independent REM, there is no free media, and without a free media, citizens are deprived of basic information that is crucial for making political decisions. It is not only a question of the technical functioning of the media, but also a basic prerequisite for free and fair elections, on which democracy is built.
But how to achieve these goals in a system where political elites do everything to maintain control? The fall of the Government and the paralysis of the REM could be an opportunity to start reforms, but only if citizens continue to exert pressure. The demonstrations that are spreading across the country, inspired by demands for justice and accountability, clearly show that the people do not trust institutions that do not work in their interests.
REM and the government currently symbolize two sides of the same problem – institutional capture and lack of trust. In order to restore trust, both institutions must go through fundamental changes, starting with respect for the law and transparent work. Citizens are clearly saying that they will not accept anything less than that. Their pressure is a key factor that can transform these institutions from political tools into public interest officers, which is the basis of any functioning democracy.
NO ANSWER, WITHOUT LEGITIMITY
Will the new government listen to the demands of citizens from the streets and respond to their appeals for justice, transparency and responsibility? Or, like the previous ones, will it continue to ignore social problems favoring political interests? Also, will REM become an independent regulator that really cares about the public interest and media freedom, or will it remain another political tool in the hands of the authorities?
The answers to these questions will define much more than the fate of RTS and RTV - they will shape the future of democracy in Serbia. REM is not only a body that regulates the media space; its independence and functionality directly affect the quality of the electoral process, freedom of expression and access to information. Without an independent REM, national television and public services will continue to be propaganda tools, and citizens will be denied the unbiased information needed to make informed political decisions.
At this moment, Serbia faces a choice - reform or deepening the crisis. If the new government is not formed with respect for democratic principles and without responding to citizens' demands, it risks becoming a symbol of political irresponsibility. If REM is not cleansed of political influence and placed on a sound legal foundation, it will not be able to regain public trust or ensure media freedom. Both of these bodies, if formed without legitimate and transparent processes, will continue to be symbols of captive institutions, further deepening the gap between the authorities and citizens.
One thing is certain - the citizens of Serbia, with their struggle on the streets and clear demands for the accountability of institutions, represent the only guarantor of real changes. Their courage in the face of violence, manipulation and repression gives hope that this is not just another crisis but the beginning of a transformation. Demonstrations across the country clearly show that citizens are not ready to accept the status quo and demand institutions that work in their interests, not in the interests of political elites.
This moment is an opportunity for change, but also a test for Serbia. Will the government rationally receive the message sent by the citizens or will it deepen the gap between the state and the citizens? The answer will shape not only the future of REM and the government, but also the fate of the entire country. Citizens have shown that they have the strength and will to demand better, but the question remains whether institutions and political leaders will finally show their willingness to respond to that demand. Without an answer to these challenges, Serbia will remain in a vacuum - without legitimacy, without stability and without a democratic future.
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The President of the Conference of Universities of Serbia and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Vladan Đokić, was faced with the act of practically defending the university by himself against 19 other members of the Working Group, for whom there are justified doubts that they will defend the party's interest, not the academic interest, even though there are people among them who know the difference very well. We cannot know what will be found in the new Law, although there is already a lot of speculation about it. It remains to be seen whether the Government will appoint rectors and deans, how renegade faculties will be punished under the tutelage of performance indicators and whether vouchers will be distributed.
Accused activists in Novi Sad are being blackmailed and directed to confess to something they did not do, in order to possibly be acquitted or settle with the prosecution regarding the amount of the sentence. Detention, therefore, in this case serves as a means of conditioning and blackmail. If you are offered a way out of detention through confession — that is not free will. And that is legally inadmissible
Court of Appeal in Novi Sad: Compromise and illegal decision
"The decision is unfair, regardless of the fact that in the case of three activists, the decision on the extension of detention was changed, and for the others it was sent back for a new decision. The unfairness consists in the fact that the Court of Appeal had to cancel the detention without banning all detainees from leaving the apartment. In addition, it did not correctly determine the existence of grounds for the measure of banning movement and communication," Vladimir Horovic tells "Vreme"
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"Students have a control package in our coalition. They direct us, and their word has moral weight. When it gets stuck, they are the ones who speak - let's get serious, we have come too far to stumble over foolishness. This is how, day by day, the first pre-election campaign in Serbia, jointly run by students, local opposition parties and citizens, works," Nenad Gladić, spokesman for the "United for Kosjerić" election list, told "Vreme".
Lucky that Serbia has the "Informer research team"! Dragan J. Vučićević discovered the infernal plan of "criminals" and "blockaders" at the last minute and thus saved the country again. That he is lying is less important
Keeping sociology professor Marija Vasić in prison on charges of terrorism is an anti-civilization crime. Or grotesque, whatever you want. Why don't judges, prosecutors, policemen, security guards rebel against it
In a speech that made no sense from the point of view of logic and integrity, Vučić offered his voters everything they wanted to hear. But, all in contradictions. The spirit of rebellion can no longer return to the bottle because the bottle is broken
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What is happening in the country and the world, what is in the newspapers and how to pass the time?
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