Freedom has already happened.

The video of last week's event in front of the Assembly of Kings became extremely popular on social networks. The mayor of Kraljevo, accompanied by seven or eight bodyguards, and with a cordon of gendarmerie in the background, runs out of the city parliament and rushes towards a van that takes him even faster in an unknown direction. Along the way, dozens of eggs were thrown at him by the bodyguards, with the shouts of the gathered citizens: "Terzić, go away!", "Terzić, egg!"...

The first man of the Kings Predrag Terzic, apart from the usual progressive inactions, became known throughout the country, to say the least, with shameless and obscure posts on social networks, and insults addressed to students and other citizens who have been protesting throughout Serbia for the past months. Precisely because of this, the councilors of the Local Front insisted that the mayor not participate in the session of the parliament held on February 19, because - as they said referring to the rules of procedure - he is a person who grossly violated the dignity of this body. Given that Terzić did not want to leave the hall, the Local Front and the rest of the opposition called on citizens to exert pressure "from outside".

We talk about the event in Kraljevo, but also the similar treatment that Terzić has in the rural areas of the Kraljevo area, about the historical rebellion of students and citizens, but also about other current events, questions and dilemmas. Predrag Voštinić, one of the leaders of the Kraljevo Local Front. This civil movement entered the city parliament for the first time in 2016, in 2020 it stood in solidarity with the rest of the opposition and boycotted the elections, only for its councilors to find themselves in the assembly again after the elections in December 2023. He performed independently and won almost ten percent of the votes.

"Everyone should take responsibility for their actions, so I will say exactly and precisely that we invited the citizens to gather in front of the city hall after the person who violated her dignity did not want to leave the parliament session," says Voštinić at the beginning of the conversation.

"WEATHER" Scenes from Kraljevo became a hit on social networks. Some welcomed the action., some were restrained, and some even distanced themselves from him. I am speaking., of course, about the body of citizens participating in the rebellion or supporting the rebellion.

PREDRAG VOŠTINIĆ: We were determined not to allow the parliamentary session to proceed normally and to have a man sitting on it who has been showing the middle finger to students and citizens for weeks and who, for example, on the day of the general strike, invited his party colleagues to spend money in the most expensive bars, buy the most expensive whiskey and party with bacchanalia of various kinds. He refused to leave the session - it seems not because he did not feel much pressure but because he was not allowed to.

Namely, fellow citizens and activists in a nearby bar recognized the SNS coordinator for our area, and he sat and gave instructions to Terzić and others with formal and informal security. The mayor thus took photos and wrote reports that were later found in tabloids such as "Kurir", "Aloa" and "Informer". Terzić left the session only when he received permission, that is, when it was formally finished, and you saw how it looked. The citizens then dispersed. This was followed by the arrest of our activist Vladan Savković, but he was released relatively quickly because there were no grounds for his detention, nor for the initiation of any proceedings.

It is interesting that the parliamentary security was not interested in protecting government representatives outside of their powers, that is, they only cared about the protection of internal procedures and that there was no intrusion of citizens into the Assembly. Also, despite the rough and sometimes aggressive behavior of the demonstrators, the police showed full awareness of the fact that this is a serious historical moment, that is, they showed understanding for the citizens who were in front of the assembly.

What is happening in Kraljevo in the meantime and whether something will happen afterwards "subject" events changed?

It seems that a lot has changed, first of all with the people who clearly did not once show Terzić that he is unworthy of the position he holds. After the session, he hastily scheduled several public hearings in the surrounding villages, thinking that he would use videos from those events to soften the impression of sending him off from the Assembly. However, there he experienced even greater inconveniences. People greeted him with eggs and were very precise, so he had to cancel some stands and never appeared again. In one village, the locals burned the flag of the Serbian Progressive Party. On the other hand, local officials still behave as subjects and property of the party. They still obey and carry out orders, despite the fact that they have become very uncomfortable with that role. And we still retain the role we had, representing the citizens who elected us and pointing out who are the bearers of indignity in our local community.

You mentioned the coordinator of the SNS who was sitting in a cafe near the assembly and issuing orders. Some media reported that it was infamous "party disciplinarian" Branko Malovic, known to the people of Vojvodina from before, especially those in South Banat?

I received that information, but I have to say that I don't even know what that man looks like. But his name certainly causes great fear among the local authorities. There are verified testimonies that some members of the SNS were even used with physical force if they were not loyal enough towards Belgrade and the owners of large capital, investors and their local representatives. There was slapping. It seems that many progressives are more uncomfortable when they clash even slightly with their own party than with citizens who are increasingly angry.

Does that mean there is turbulence among progressives or is the fear you speak of holding them together?

I wouldn't use the word turbulence, because for me it implies a wave of internal conflicts that causes serious damage to the stability of the government. Conflicts do not happen - at least not yet - at that level. Fear and insecurity are noticeable among those who deserve it the least and who still belong to the party. There are no changes in the consistency and obedience mechanisms of those who are part of the great evil, that is, who participate in it. I will call turbulence the situation when someone who is in a high position, in the state or in a party anyway, publicly opposes what is being done at the top of the party, state or mafia, which is practically the same body with three different names. We haven't had the opportunity to see that until now.

In an interview, you said that lately many people have been coming to the opposition and other citizens in rebellion from representatives of the government, even some highly confidential information. Does this testify to unrest within the power structures??

The answer to your question is certainly yes. However, information is sometimes useful, and sometimes it can be dangerous. They are sometimes authentic - when they come from people who are recommended to be witnesses-collaborators in the future and who try to court the opposition, wanting to possibly preserve their position in the local environment when there is a change of government. Some can be dangerous - these are the ones when government representatives agree to spread information, semi-information or misinformation that can determine the fate of some processes. It is mainly a question of subterfuge, the aim of which is to produce intrigues and conflicts within the activists. Sometimes they also denounce the wrong people in the ruling party itself, in order not to divert attention from those who are really responsible.

photo: marija janković

In an interview we did last year for our weekly magazine, we talked about the particularly difficult position of activists at the bar, because they are exposed to more direct pressures, and they don't have, at least not enough, public protection. Does the situation change after 1. changed in November, given that resistance has become much more dispersive, and the number of activists increased significantly?

It is not easy to answer this question either. There is this, not entirely clear to me, phenomenon of fencing off from activists, political and social. That insistence on the apolitical nature of student demands. In this respect, we are still in the wind, our position has not improved much. But on the other hand, the fear of people who go out to protests, the fear of - to call them that - "new activists", is incomparably less than before November 1. It improves the environment and makes our position better. As psychologist Ana Mirković said, don't expect freedom, it has already happened. This is a moment where we can say whatever we think, express whatever we want, and freely rally against what we've feared. So this is a great liberation, but on the other hand, it is also a great invitation to establish better horizontal communication between all segments of the rebellion.

We come to the question that many ask, and no one has a good answer to it. How to unite the forces of the rebellion so that it becomes more effective and powerful? There is a great distance of students, youth and civic activists towards political parties, movements, and even the non-governmental sector, that has long been clear.

I think that we should not even insist on unifying forces, but rather on unifying chances. This means that we should not destroy each other's chances as long as this fight lasts. In principle, I have a high understanding for the separation of student and youth organizations from opposition parties and movements. It is not ideological, but they simply do not want the parties to ruin the great movement. Students do not want to share their identity with those who can ruin their chances. By doing so, they are doing a favor to the rebellion itself, because they increase its chances of success, by not identifying with it certain people who previously abused rebellions or missed the opportunity to use them. Fencing itself is not harmful and should not be perceived as antagonism. It is not just a fence, but an invitation for everyone to take their role in this process. That is, in order to avoid fences and eventual discord, everyone must do their job.

Some people's role is to just show up at a protest from time to time and express their opinion that way - that's fine. For some, in accordance with their political functions and opposition identity, the tasks are different. If you are an opposition politician, it is your job to think of a way out of the crisis, bring and propose possible solutions, produce documents that lead to them. And so that you achieve the highest possible level of consensus among all opposition parties, but also within the largest possible number of participants in the rebellion. Therefore, unification is not necessary, but we should not destroy each other's chances. Also, we should all work to increase mutual understanding. When you increase your own engagement and lower your expectations of others, you will be less affected by fences and alienation on the protest spectrum.

It seems that students and others distance themselves from political parties and political organizations in general, and because they, thanks to regime propaganda, perceived as evil in itself? How to restore dignity to political organization?

A difficult question. But certainly, regardless of the causes, dignity must be restored by those who were left without it. It is clear that political organizing has become notorious in large part due to the regime's propaganda tools. Autocratic and totalitarian governments also prevent a political alternative in this way. But what has been achieved cannot be changed overnight by decree. Realistically speaking, some parties have irretrievably lost their dignity by betraying the values ​​they formally stand for and by making various compromises with the authorities. For others, it is a difficult and painstaking process, working in the field and with citizens. This implies less plausibility and a greater degree of involvement in street life. This is the moment when opposition politicians need to get in front of the people whose views they represent or intend to represent. What we are headed for will necessarily involve danger and discomfort, and anyone who wants to engage in oppositional action should be prepared for that.

On the other hand, media space should be provided, space should be created for public and serious debate, confrontation of different opinions and attitudes. This in itself will relax the attitude of citizens towards political parties.

Are you talking about the future or the present?? The regime and the regime media have abolished public debate precisely because of this...

I'm speaking in principle and I'm certainly not referring to the media where the "institution in question" constantly appears. I don't see them in the future, they will extinguish themselves. The public media service is the place where, first of all, public debate should be conducted.

Do you succeed in Kraljevo to improve the understanding between the actors of the rebellion, from students and citizens to opposition political parties?

Perhaps in Kraljevo, unlike some other areas, there is a greater degree of cooperation and understanding. We are constantly working on improving communication. As for the political opposition parties, the Local Front does not have any formal coalition agreements with them, but we cooperate successfully. We base our cooperation on values ​​that are nominally against the government that usurps institutions. Both in the assembly and outside it, we easily reach agreement. Here, for almost a year and a half of the new parliamentary convocation, no opposition actor has turned against another.

We are also working on better communication with the student and youth movement. Both in this interview and otherwise, I show a high degree of understanding for their need to distance themselves from certain events and phenomena. It is also completely understandable to me that they distanced themselves from the incident in front of the Assembly of Kings. The nature of their struggle does not match the nature of this incident. Therefore, my comrades and I take full responsibility for him. We do not want to shift the responsibility to the children, whose protests were and remained peaceful, without any eggs and without aggressive opposition to the authorities.

photo: marija janković

No, in the end, the question that has been repeated a hundred times is asked, how to politically articulate this now historic rebellion of the citizens of Serbia?

Someone had to say it publicly. The proclamation did so a few days ago. The most rational way out of a deep political crisis is a transitional, temporary government with limited powers. She needs to fulfill the demands of the students, and those demands necessarily bring with them numerous criminal proceedings that would stop at least the biggest corrupt activities in the country. The second task is to prepare the conditions for conducting elementary democratic elections.

No one can specify at the moment how we could reach a transitional government. Probably talking about it would lead to opposing opinions and misunderstandings, but we can agree on what she should do, what the day after would look like. We must all show what the students show: consistency and determination. We must also be aware that we have nowhere to go back. At the beginning of the protest, they thought that they might lose a year of study, now it seems that they will also lose a year of life. But they don't give up. Because they know, and we should also learn from them, that this is not just a fight against a disgusting government, but an investment in the future.

You said that the opposition must stand in front of the citizens. In Novi Sad, opposition parties organized a protest over the election of a new mayor. Their representatives were in the first "combative" rows, and the opposition councilors were not even allowed into the parliament building. At the moment we are talking, the police are detaining opposition members. Is that the operating model you were talking about, who can restore dignity to political parties?

First of all, it should be said that the opposition councilors in Novi Sad were not able to enter the assembly hall, which belongs to them as citizens' representatives. It is truly something that has never been seen before. The government says it is committed to easing tensions and a peaceful solution to the crisis, but this is only proof that it is abandoning the political struggle and opting for repression and violence. I don't know if the "fried revolution" in Novi Sad can be an example for other cities, because the circumstances are not the same everywhere, nor is the strength of opposition action the same. Novi Sad has a strong opposition, not only because of the people in the opposition parties and movements, but also because many experts, people of preserved integrity from various social spheres join the corps of the opposition...

Except eggs (in Novi Sad, they were thrown at the gendarmerie and the police, everything with flour, and in Kraljevo to the mayor), another thing connected Novi Sad and Kraljevo in recent months. In question is a certain progressive activist Marko Tošin, who participated in the brutal beating of students in front of the party premises in Novi Sad. He is also associated with the attempted murder of you, when did you, while you were riding your bike, quite certain - with clear intention, hit by a car. It was in September 2023.. years.

To be precise, that person in my case was not identified as the attacker, but as a passenger in a vehicle that was involved in an event that the judiciary treats as a traffic accident. He wasn't even in the vehicle that hit me, he was in the one behind him. It is clear that they were all on the same mission together. Marko Tošin fled the scene. He was not brought in as a witness either, until the prosecutor, after reviewing the recordings, noticed that one person on them was neither on the list of detainees nor on the list of witnesses. Only after that we learned the name of Marko Tošin.

The fact that he happened to be in Kraljevo when I was attacked and that he was involved in the beating of students in Novi Sad - testifies to the nature of both of these events. It's quite disturbing. Another, very evident proof that it is no coincidence when it comes to the attack on me. It is also disturbing that the other participants in the incident were police academics, and even an official of the Directorate for Internal Control of the Ministry of Interior of Serbia.

Another proof of the connection between the authorities, customers, police and crime?

Yes, there is ample evidence for that connection, it has become commonplace, so to speak. It's just that we have no mechanism to do anything to change that at this point, other than to denounce her.

In November of last year, a window was broken in your apartment on the 5th floor. upstairs. Is there some sort of investigative epilogue??

A broken window remained in the shadow of major social events. It was foolish even for me to insist on it, as much as the event was much more than a mere inconvenience to my family, it was actually something that significantly raised the level of concern and fear within them. But terrible things happen to others, and some of my acquaintances who are the target of persecution, so I judged that the window did not deserve much attention. Basically, it's hard that someone could have broken it with an oyster or something similar, given that it's the 5th floor. One former policeman stated that he was most likely hit by an aerial sniper. The police did not deal with the incident because the material damage was not great, and no one was injured. They said an investigation would be expensive and uncertain. I even understand them in a way, but still it doesn't seem naive.