Za "Time" from North Mitrovica
Election day - Sunday, June 7 - in North Mitrovica took place according to a well-planned scenario: polling stations opened at exactly seven in the morning, dozens of citizens voted then. Then, at around eight thirty, the gathering of sympathizers and representatives of the Serbian List began in front of the headquarters of this party. At eight o'clock, the column already accompanied the representatives of the Serbian List to the polling stations.
Among that mass of people there were those who had already voted, but they came to perform another duty established years ago - going to the polls collectively. According to the observer's report, election day was essentially peaceful, with some incidents. And they do not count the collective voting in Kosovo among the incidents.
However, the turnout was lower than in previous elections. Namely, the turnout in the extraordinary parliamentary elections in December last year was 44,99 percent, while in the one just held it was 37,02 percent.
The Serbian List, again traditionally, called a press conference late in the evening to announce the results and convey the greetings of the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić. The president of the Serbian List, Zlatan Elek, declared victory and won all ten mandates intended for the Serbian community, but based on preliminary results in Serbian communities.
Therefore, these are not real results because the number of mandates is calculated on the basis of votes in all of Kosovo.
"First of all, I want to thank the Serbian people and all the activists of the Serbian List for their tireless and dedicated work. They proved that they love the country of Serbia, that they love their president, that they love the Serbian tricolor, that they love the Serbian List," said Elek.
Maybe that's why it's not surprising the statement of a citizen who told KoSSev in front of the polling station in North Mitrovica that he hopes that after the victory and winning ten seats in the Kosovo parliament, defunct Serbian institutions will return.
KURTI WINS EVEN THOUGH HE LOSES
According to the preliminary results (at the time of writing the votes from the diaspora and conditional votes have not yet been counted), the Self-Determination Movement, whose leader is the Kosovo Prime Minister in technical mandate Aljbin Kurti, won 42,95 percent, i.e. 299.328 votes. The decline is very visible: while in December Self-Determination won a historic victory by winning around 461.698 votes, in February last year around 396.787 voters voted for that party.
Furthermore, the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) this time won 21,14 percent, or 147.292 votes, while the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo (LDK) won 17,60 percent, or 122.659 votes. The Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) won 7,16 percent, or 49.913 votes.
What do these results tell us?
Political analyst Imer Mushkoljaj says for "Vreme" that the problem in Kosovo is that, judging by the election results, it is clear that Self-Determination is losing and the opposition is not winning. "So there is no alternative."
He explains that after the publication of the preliminary results, the opposition was concerned with how Self-Determination "fell", and that they did not talk about how much and why they failed to be the first.
"They are satisfied with remaining at the same level as far as votes are concerned. That is not enough, and since there is no alternative, Aljbin Kurti wins even though he loses," emphasizes Mushkoljaj.
Miodrag Marinković, executive director of the non-governmental organization CASA, told "Vreme" that in Kosovo there was a fatigue of the electorate and a growing belief that Aljbin Kurti is one of the main reasons for the prolongation of the institutional crisis.
"The price of such a policy is not only the loss of votes or international credibility, but it can also be a partial or complete loss of power. The prerequisite is that the opposition parties take advantage of the opportunity that has opened up for them and form a government that would welcome new elections from the position of power, either in the fall or at the end of the year," says Marinković.
He is of the opinion that during the previous sixteen months the opposition made almost all the political mistakes it could make, but that it learned something from that experience.
"I especially believe that he will not repeat the mistake of allowing the elections to be held during the New Year holidays, when traditionally a large number of members of the diaspora, who are more inclined to Kurti, come to Kosovo and vote," explains Marinković.
SERBIAN LIST AGAIN FOR 9 MANDATES?
Out of a total of 120 seats in the parliament, 10 belong to representatives of the Serbian community. In the previous two election cycles, Srpska lista won nine mandates, and Rašić's party won one mandate, which was enough for him to be part of Kurti's government again.
How are things now?
According to the preliminary results, the Serbian List won 6,17 percent, or 43.002 votes. While the party For Freedom, Justice and Survival, whose leader is Nenad Rašić, Minister for Communities and Return in the technical Kosovo Government, won 0,76 percent, or 5.285 votes.
Marinković points out that, by all accounts, the Serbian List will remain with nine reserved mandates even after these elections, despite a nominally higher number of votes compared to the December elections.
"The reason is simple: the party of its main competitor, Nenad Rašić, also achieved a better result. This time his list was practically the only alternative to the Serbian List and managed to attract almost all the votes of voters dissatisfied with the way in which the Serbian List conducts its politics," explains Marinković.
He goes on to say that in the electoral mathematics, the Serbian list with nine MPs still retains significant political weight, and in certain scenarios it may be the tip of the scales when forming a government. "Nevertheless, the political stigmatization of the Serbian List in the Kosovo public is still so strong that I believe that its votes will remain the last option for the Albanian parties in almost any scenario of the formation of the government", adds our interlocutor.
INSTITUTIONAL CRISIS, VOL. 4
The extraordinary elections were held due to the failure to elect the President of Kosovo, who is elected by the Assembly, and for which the consent of 80 deputies is initially required. That did not happen, and elections followed.
The second extraordinary parliamentary elections, held on December 28 last year, were held due to the failure to elect the Government, which was preceded by a months-long blockade in the constitution of the Assembly. The first regular parliamentary elections in this series were held on February 9, 2025.
Marinković is of the opinion that the chances of ending the institutional crisis are extremely small, because the problem is not only in securing a majority for the formation of the government, but also in the rigid legal framework for the election of the president, which requires a much wider political consensus and two-thirds support in the Assembly.
"That's why I think it's quite certain that we will have another round of parliamentary elections by the end of the year," he emphasizes.
He adds that the only scenario that could enable the formation of stable institutions is a broader coalition of Self-Determination and one of the stronger opposition parties, but that this is highly unlikely given the deep animosity between their leaders and Aljbin Kurti.
"Essentially, the main cause of this institutional crisis is Kurti's refusal to share power with the opposition on an equal basis. Some call it political egoism, but it seems to me that the reason is different. Kurti does not want a coalition partner who would be more susceptible to the pressures of the international community and who could soften his policy towards the Serbs. This is his main political goal and he has subordinated almost all his political calculations and a significant part of his political capital to it," explains Marinković.
Muškoljaj is of the opinion that the results of these elections are a clear message to citizens that institutions must be formed. "The result is that the parties have to cooperate with each other. So I think that the institutions will still be formed."
He adds that the biggest problem is the election of a new president. "There, I expect that Self-Determination will still find a solution in the form of cooperation with another party," says Mushkoljaj.
He is of the opinion that the citizens, by not going to the polls in large numbers, sent a clear message: "If the political parties do not find a compromise and do not form institutions, and if there are new elections in the fall, the turnout will be even lower. This is a message that the political parties need to understand", indicates Mushkoljaj.
Marinković, on the other hand, believes that these elections have shown that the strategy based on the expectation that Self-Determination will only reach the majority needed to get out of the institutional crisis no longer has a political foothold.
"Today, the balance of power is such that a solution will have to be sought either through a broader political agreement or through the formation of a government without Self-Determination. The first option seems unlikely due to the deep mistrust and political conflicts that have burdened the relationship between Aljbin Kurti and the opposition leaders for years. That is why the political circumstances are currently much more favorable for a scenario in which the opposition tries to take the initiative. I also believe that the international community will further encourage such a development, especially because for the first time a real possibility has appeared for the opposition parties to secure a parliamentary majority without relying on Srpska list, that is, with the support of MPs from other minority communities", concludes Marinković.
