The last century taught us that evil is banal and that, despite (or thanks to) banality, it can be excellently organized. SS Colonel Adolf Eichmann was a banal spider, just like his leader, but he was obedient, devoid of scruples and eager for money.
The local one the team in power, led by one, the only i an irreplaceable leader (namely, a leader is always irreplaceable - if he were replaceable, he would not be a leader), with Standartenführer Eichmann shares his best qualities: uneducated, devoid of shame and civilized considerations, money-loving and obedient. So far, they have proven successful only in organized robbery of the country and well-organized theft of elections. Citizens and the opposition, before the student revolt, proved to be immature in this regard. Unorganized as it was, the robber regime made them harmless with its organization. However, this changed dramatically with the entry of students into the political arena. And not only did the young people on many occasions - let's just remember March 15, 2025 - prove to be an extremely organized group, but they continued to organize even when they took refuge from the streets and squares.
In the local elections of March 29, that organization severely shook the regime. That is why, among other things, everything that happened after the election, including the instrumentalization of the girl who died in front of the Faculty of Philosophy, the savage attack on the University, bidding on the date of the extraordinary parliamentary elections, can be understood as a distraction from the fact that citizens, students and the opposition dealt a heavy blow to the regime. That is why, once again, we are going back two and a half weeks.
CLIENTELISTIC ATTACKS AND RESISTANCE
Vukosava Crnjanski from "Crta" recalls how that day, under the direction of the regime, looked like.
"Election day left the impression of strict control - over the citizens," says Crnjanski for "Vreme". All this keeping of parallel records of voters, mass photographing of ballots, organized bringing to vote, patrolling of dangerous characters on the streets... It was as if it was a day in which citizens had to repay some kind of debt to someone, rather than express their free will. Heavy machinery was set in motion, whose task was to ensure that the debt relief went absolutely according to plan."
Such an atmosphere was connected with clientelism as one of the main mechanisms by which the government keeps a significant part of the citizens in the network. The voice is exchanged for various "favors" that the government can provide to the citizen, or it is simply used to buy protection from retaliation.
"In Lučani, for example", continues Crnjanski, "the ballots were marked with the letters M, B and N and 'everyone knew' that these were the votes of the workers of the factory 'Milan Blagojević - Namenska'. There were, however, examples where individuals dared to 'cheat' the control system and intervene on the ballot after taking photos so that it was clear that they were still voting for another ballot".
And that is just one of the mechanisms of theft on election day itself. To make sure there is no confusion, the regime rigs and steals the elections before the voting day itself, first of all through dominating the media, then on the election day in all possible ways, but also after the election - by controlling the prosecution and judicial authorities.
Savo Manojlović from the "Kreni-promeni" movement draws attention to the fact that the movement had the largest observation mission in these elections - 550 observers at 414 polling stations.
"However, what essentially marked these elections was wider social mobilization and field cooperation with students, choirs, activists, bikers and veterans," says Manojlović for "Vreme". "Citizens organized themselves through various informal and formal networks, from student controllers to local assemblies, with a clear goal: to cover polling stations and prevent irregularities. This coverage is crucial, because it directly reduces the space for election manipulations. In addition, mobile teams were formed that reacted on the ground, especially in situations when organized groups of violent people appeared. I myself was an observer in the mobile team in Bajina Bašta, we toured crisis centers engaged in hotspots and polling stations. This model of organization did not emerge overnight. Previous experiences from Kosjerić, Mionica and other places have shown how important it is to have people on the ground who are ready to defend the election process," concludes Manojlović.
OBSERVER'S TASK
Citizens, students and opposition parties knew, taught by previous experiences, what was waiting for them, and they responded to the regime's organization of robbery with an organization to defend the will of the citizens. The number of observers increased dramatically compared to all previous elections directed by the regime.
One striking example in Arandjelovac was also attended by the "Vremena" team. So, in a tavern in Arandjelovac, our journalists drank coffee not far from the seven-member and exclusively male Essen team. That group of men frowned at their phones and hardly spoke. Suddenly, a group of cheerful people of very different ages crowded into the pub - from students to mature women and men - whose accent was strikingly different from that of Arandjelovac - Vojvodina! Not only did they not keep quiet in the bar, but they openly, loudly and with a lot of humor continued to start a conversation about the nastiness of the regime. The difference between the two opposing groups was obvious. The dreary men looked as if they were forced to ruin the holy week for a pittance, while the Vojvodina team was bursting with energy and faith in the correct goal of what they were doing. It turned out to be another group of election observers.
But things, points out Vukosava Crnjanski, are not so simple: "The number of observers is increasing, but we, who have been engaged in citizen observation of elections for a long time and systematically, see that this is taking place with a great and essential misunderstanding of the role of the observer. To begin with, the observer must not interfere in any way in the course of voting and in the work of the polling board, even in a situation when members of the polling board ask him for advice. Our job is not to correct on the spot, at the polling station, we intervene in the final phase of the election process. All responsibility for the events at the polling station rests with the polling board." And he continues: "The task of the observers is to give an impartial assessment of the election, to present facts about shortcomings and problems to the public, so that based on those facts, work can be done to improve election conditions. Aside from the fact that we can no longer use terms such as 'improvement' because we are in a situation where the basic integrity of the election is at risk. Ten years ago, for example, we dealt a lot in reports with the question of whether persons with disabilities have adequate access to polling stations. And still, Of course, I think it's an important issue, but in the circumstances it seems like pure luxury."
What does it take to be an observer, we ask Vukosava Crnjanski?
"Real observers are knowledgeable about election rules and procedures, they know exactly what they are looking at and what they are recording," she says. Also, there must be a serious organization and infrastructure in order to collect, analyze, and systematize these insights from the polling stations and their surroundings."
The regime side, however, does not provide independent observers, but rather members of the regime who have a clear task: to participate in the theft of votes at the expense of the regime. There are no legal or civilizational barriers. The regime's organization, therefore, does not aim at conducting fair and free elections, but at violence against elections and citizens.
Crnjanski draws attention to "malicious observers": "We have an infestation of malicious quasi-observers who are directly connected to the government, i.e. the ruling party, and who consciously abuse the institute of citizen observation. At the polling stations, they often act as some additional level of control over the members of the election committees from their party. Their goal is also to make election observation pointless, to create another noise in the public, to relativize and bury the findings of authentic observation missions."
To that extent, citizens, students and members of opposition parties on the other side are not only observers but also fighters against violence, a group that is forced to defend with their bodies the will of the citizens expressed in the elections. Savo Manojlović recalls the case from the local elections in Mionica, when "Crta" before the outbreak of regime violence - two observers from "Crta" were directly exposed to regime violence - was forced to withdraw its observers. Although the observers, of course, do not influence the election process, they still instill some kind of security in the citizens. When "Crta" withdrew, citizens felt unprotected.
"At that moment", says Manojlović, "students and citizens came to us with the question of whether 'Kreni-Promeni' would also withdraw, which would mean that they were left without protection. There was serious pressure for us to withdraw as well. However, after consultation, we unanimously decided to stay until the last student controller was in place. That decision had a huge effect: people regained their energy and courage and, most importantly, the locals continued to come out to vote."
ACTIVE CITIZENS
The basic question is, therefore, how to oppose the violence of the regime? The answer is as simple as it is difficult to implement: good organization. To that extent, the role of the observer is somewhat redefined.
"People", says Crnjanski, "have lost trust in the integrity of the electoral process, in the institutions that implement it. They want to see for themselves what is happening. In this, I must admit, they sometimes cross the boundaries defined by observation. They intervene trying to prevent manipulations. Observation is also perceived as an increased presence at and around polling stations, which has to do with the misunderstanding of the role of observers that I spoke about. Let's face it, in the given circumstances, that presence is not unimportant and has a certain encouraging effect for citizens who are not part of clientelistic schemes. So, if we are talking about benevolent new observers."
The wave of well-intentioned observers, however, did not appear out of nowhere, but rose after the upheaval caused by the student rebellion. It was the students who reminded us of what it means to be active, what it means to be a citizen and fight for yourself but also for others in the public space. The students shook the citizens out of their lethargy and simply politicized them.
This is also confirmed by Savo Manojlović: "Democracy is always based on people and their capacity for collective action. That is its essence, regardless of whether we are talking about an orderly society or a society in which democratic assets are threatened. One thought that I took with me from Harvard says that democracy is measured by society's capacity for collective action. In practice, I realized that this means the following: the strength of democracy depends on how willing citizens are to organize themselves and actively participate in shaping their society. The paradox is that, when you defend democracy, there is often passivation and conformity of citizens and then the occupier returns. In authoritarian conditions, such as those in Serbia today, injustice produces anger, and that anger becomes a driving force for mobilization. That is why it is important that people know that the serious work of building society awaits us only when we overthrow this government that has occupied the institutions of the Republic of Serbia."
From a different perspective, but on the same path, Vukosava Crnjanski talks about the increased mobilization of citizens: "If I were to single out one positive impression, and in connection with the increased mobilization of citizens in these elections, I would point to many examples of good preparation of the members of the electoral committees from the ranks of the alternative, that is, from the non-regime side. It is impossible to overestimate the importance of the training and motivation of the members of the electoral committees, controllers, because they are the ones who have the rights and obligations to directly influence how the voting process takes place, to prevent manipulations. Of course, there is still a lot of room for growth in this regard until the 'big' elections, but it is obvious that the awareness of the importance of involvement in the polling stations is growing. We constantly repeat that more than 16.000 well-prepared people will be necessary to cover all the polling stations in the national elections."
photo: m. jankovicTHE MOST CONVINCING CAMPAIGN: Door to door
BODY IN PUBLIC SPACE
Since ancient times, politics has meant taking the body out into the public space. Of course, ancient squares (as well as markets) were places of public gathering in accordance with the cities of that time, but whatever the public space was, the body had to leave the private space. The body is visible, it is pure presence. Activity, to that extent, also refers to that moment which seems self-evident. But it didn't. After all, it was the student rebellion that showed us the extent to which the body in public space is necessary. But as much as bringing the body out into the public space was a necessary part of political activity - even in totalitarian regimes the body must be publicly exposed in some way, in a stadium or a military parade, for example - it is still not a sufficient reason.
Disorganized bodies in public space are nothing but multitudes. After all, we saw this at the powerful opposition gatherings that failed to create a collective political body with a clearly articulated subjectivity from the multitude of citizens. That's why those gatherings, no matter how violent they were, dissipated. The student movement did not disperse because it clearly articulated a collective will politically.
"Field work contributed decisively to this result," says Savo Manojlović about the past elections. "That is something that no campaign, no media or social network can replace. Walks by students and activists, direct conversations with citizens and personal contact, these are the moments that make a difference. When someone comes to your door with a sincere intention and a clear idea, it has much more weight than any political message from the media. I would especially highlight initiatives like 'a student in every village', which directly broke the media monopoly and reached people who the system tries to isolate. You can see how effective that work was and by the regime's reaction - sending beaters, hiring directors of public companies to disrupt activities."
We ask Manojlović which type of cooperation between active citizens, students and opposition political groups he considers to be the best?
"I think that the discussion about cooperation formats, lists, quotas and the like should not be held in the media. Such discussions kill energy and create artificial divisions. 'Kreni-Promeni' clearly supported the student list. I also think that it is inappropriate to insult the students. At the same time, as someone who has a doctorate in constitutional law, I believe that no one has the right to prohibit others from running. It seems to me that if all people and in the media saw the unity that exists on the ground, it would be even more positive It seems to me that, while party leaders argue in the media, you have unity of action on the ground. When we face violence, when people with bars appear, then you don't ask who is from which opposition organization or party, but how to protect each other. That's why we think it's most important to build trust and solidarity among people on the ground, and use the media space for messages of unity, and not for division."
Finally, here's another example from election day. When the news spread that the regime's thugs attacked the citizens in Aranđelovac, the Belgrade citizens' assembly reacted promptly: in ten minutes, five cars were organized. There were four or five people in each car. No citizen, until that moment, had met anyone else in any vehicle. Those citizens, at that moment, were connected by one thing - politics. What the regime is doing is not politics at all, on the contrary, it is robbery in which politics is the enemy. Because politics is an organized fight for freedom.
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