He smelled the flag, so he covered himself with it. He was sitting in front Trampa on the hoklica and acted like a student waiting for the teacher to call on him. He counted the number of times he shook hands with him, showing how important personal contact was to him, not the content of the conversation. He did not know what kind of agreement he was signing with the American president, which he later indirectly confirmed himself through confused explanations. He claimed that the Montenegrins were preparing a coup d'état against Serbia, thus raising tensions that had no real basis. He also said that Croatia and Albania were arming themselves in order to attack us, thereby spreading panic due to the alleged constant threat. In the end, he took 87 people of strange biographies to Tivat EU-Western Balkans Summit, thus completely overshadowing the topic of the summit. Yes, that's him, Aleksandar Vučić, and these are just some of his gaffes.
Last summer, he shot in Florida and thereby opened another episode of foreign policy chaos. Vucic let's remember, then he went to a donor's dinner which, as a foreign citizen, he could not attend, so he showed an elementary misunderstanding of the rules. The public got the official version that his blood pressure jumped, but the whole story seemed unconvincing. Then he boarded a plane and returned home instead of seeking medical attention, further deepening suspicions.
FOR THE VILLAGE OF HONEY, FOR THE HOUSE ONE

photo: tiktok...and with a partner in Davos
If you look closely at a series of such episodes, you see a repeating pattern. Vučić turns every international appearance into a personal drama and confirms what some have known for a long time: that the line between state politics and personal promotion is completely unclear to him.
One of the biggest mistakes made by a part of the critical public when it comes to Vučić himself, is the attempt to give him some kind of diagnosis or, even worse, the fact that he is credited with some kind of genius and talent for political manipulation.
All we have seen in the last fourteen years, thirty-odd years in fact, is a very banal pattern of behavior, which fascinates only because it has acquired a lot of power. Underlying that pattern is something that could be described as the main character syndrome. Vučić does not participate in the events, but appropriates them. Every crisis becomes his personal drama, every international meeting his scene, every diplomat or president of a foreign power is his personal friend. The country comes to him as a stage, institutions become backdrops, and politics turns into a continuous monologue. Lately, our main character has been breaking down the cinematic fourth wall more and more often and, appearing on television, looks straight into the camera and does not acknowledge the presenter, but addresses the audience directly.
Therefore, it is always and everywhere only about him. After all, we heard that after the scandal with the plane to Tivat. He then stated that the charter flight with supporters of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), who were not allowed by the Montenegrin police to enter the country, was organized by someone from his circle who wanted to make his stay in Tivat more pleasant, but that it was a "big political mistake". He also stated that the people around him wanted to provide him with "a better environment that he would be happy with". And that's where we get to the creepy banality as Aleksandar Vučić's only motivation: he wants "only" blind worship. Let's remember that it was he who introduced the word "loyalists" into public life, referring to a group of people who allegedly went to a monastery to swear allegiance to him. In essence, this man is not only harassing us outside, but also here, at home, but there are other mechanisms at work.
UNCONVINCING CONTRADICTIONS
The problem for Vučić often arises the moment he leaves Serbia because the world refuses to play secondary roles in his story, moreover, the world does not even know that he is a participant in Vučić's play and the need for attention that this man suffers from becomes a parody.
The meeting in Washington in 2020 represents perhaps the most famous example of such a plot breakdown. Vučić was sitting on a small chair in front of Donald Trump and that image dominated the media more than the content of the signed agreement. The document contained several points on infrastructure, traffic, energy and other issues. One of the points referred to the relocation of the Serbian embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. The cameras recorded Vučić looking down at the document, flipping through the papers and looking surprised. Later, he himself said that he did not expect that topic to be included and that he was "looking at the paper" when Trump mentioned it. By the way, speaking of that chair, even Russian official Maria Zakharova later mocked that scene by comparing it to a scene from a movie Basic Instinct in which Sharon Stone crosses her legs during a police interrogation to demonstrate that she is not wearing underwear.
Bruka broke out in the General Assembly of the United Nations in May 2024 during the vote on the Resolution on Srebrenica. Since the diplomatic battle was already lost, he decided to switch to the field of symbolism. Already from Belgrade, he announced the flag that he carries with him, in order to make it the main prop in the hall of the United Nations. He kissed her, brought her to his face, hugged her, and then covered himself with it. While representatives of other countries participated in the debate, the Serbian president posed for photos that went around the world. The resolution was adopted, and in Serbia the image of a man who turned the General Assembly session into a personal performance and a political embarrassment remained.
With a parallel montage, while Vučić kissed the flag in New York and wrapped himself in it in the United Nations hall, the authorities in Belgrade organized something that resembled an occult ritual. Ministers, officials and state officials took photos of themselves draped in Serbian flags, as if they were participating in a synchronized choreography and not in the work of the executive branch. Now, since they are progressives and espees, not templars or illuminati, everything looked like the third rehearsal of some poorly directed play. Admittedly, the government in Serbia for the last 14 years has been a poorly directed play with a bunch of untalented naturals, and the champion of the drama is known.
THE ENEMY NEVER SLEEPS (EXCEPT AT NIGHT)
For years, Vučić has maintained a political narrative in which Serbia is constantly threatened by some kind of danger. Sometimes that danger comes from Priština, sometimes from Zagreb, sometimes from Podgorica, and sometimes from all the capitals of the region at the same time. In different periods, he also talked about plans to destroy Republika Srpska, organized campaigns against Serbia and coordinated actions of neighboring countries. Common to all those warnings is that they were presented as events of historical importance, while they soon disappeared from public space without a clear epilogue.
In March 2025, he obsessed the people with the story that Croatia, Albania and Kosovo, by signing a declaration on military cooperation, opened an arms race in the region and that such an agreement represents a security problem for Serbia. A few years earlier, he claimed that Croatia was creating a military advantage by acquiring French Rafale fighter jets, which would change the regional balance of power. That obsession lasted until September 20, 2025, and ended with a military parade called "Strength of Unity" being held that day in front of the Palace of Serbia. About 10.000 members of the army participated in the parade, about 2500 pieces of weapons and military equipment, more than 600 vehicles, 70 aircraft and 20 vessels were displayed. Ah, yes, for the needs of this circus, Mihajla Pupina Boulevard was destroyed. A few holes still stand here and there, as the only remaining memory of the event.
And the "enemy"? Well, while Vučić warned that Croatia was changing the balance of power in the region, Croatian President Zoran Milanović at the same time publicly admitted that the country was left with almost no reserves and that it lacked manpower for the army. Few politicians can boast that they forced the president of a neighboring country to explain in front of the cameras how crippled his army is. While Vučić warned about regional threats and changes in military relations, Milanović spoke publicly about the lack of reservists and the problems of the Croatian defense system. It is probably a unique diplomatic success: to exaggerate the danger so much that the other side begins to list its own weaknesses in order to prove that it has no intention of attacking anyone.

photo: Zoran Mrđa / FonetPROMOTERS: J. Bolt and A. Vučić
ALL THE WORLD'S A STAGE
The "Tivat" case further exposed the way in which Vučić understands international relations. He brought a large number of people to the summit, thus diverting attention from the topic itself. Instead of talking about European integration, they were talking about airplane passengers. The fact is that he later admitted that it was a mistake, but the damage had already been done. This event only showed that internal politics in Serbia absolutely dominates external politics (which has collapsed), and that foreign political relations only serve to send some, usually completely false, image to the citizens of Serbia. And the picture is as banal as Vučić himself, because the message is either "how he sucked in their face" or "see how they appreciate and respect him".
All of those episodes, from the hawk in the White House and the flag at the United Nations to the plane full of party activists in Tivat, are connected by the same thing: Vučić's need to be the main character. In his interpretation of foreign policy, there is not much room for institutions, procedures and long-term strategies. There is only a continuous play in which Serbia appears as a scenery, and he as its only interpreter and protector.
But where his supporters see a statesman, the international public often sees a provincial autocrat desperate to make an impression. This is especially visible in the East, where his political style takes on almost caricatured outlines. In Russia, for years he insists on a personal relationship with Putin, as if the relationship between the two countries is determined by the chemistry between the two people, and not by interests. In China, on the other hand, he managed to become viral during his state visit due to the videos of him having fun with humanoid robots. While the Chinese hosts demonstrate the technological power of the country that aspires to be a global superpower, the Serbian president looks like an enthusiastic visitor to the technology fair.
HE IS LIVING HIS DREAM, AND WE HAVE A NIGHTMARE
For years, the image of Aleksandar Vučić has been cherished in Serbia as a political strategist with above-average abilities, a man who sees a few moves ahead of what others are promoting. However, when he steps out of the space he fully controls, that image begins to fall apart. Behind the great story of a political genius does not appear a particularly complex statesman, but a rather banal type of politician that history knows well: a man obsessed with his own role, attention and approval.
That's why almost every international performance ends in the same place. It is not important what was agreed, but what it looked like. It is not important what is written in the document, but who signed it. It's not the politics that matters, it's the photography. Such behavior does not betray self-confidence, but rather a constant need for confirmation. As if no meeting, no summit and no conference are enough by themselves, but must be turned into a story about him.
This may be the essence of his authoritarian style. A despot doesn't just ask for obedience. A despot seeks admiration. It is not enough for him that the citizens accept his rule, but there must also be an idea of his exceptionality. That is why every political topic is personalized, every institution is subordinated to one man, and every success is attributed to him personally. The problem arises when such a model goes beyond the borders of the country. The world generally does not see the genius that directs historical processes. The world sees yet another Balkan autocrat who apparently believes he is much more interesting than he really is. This is precisely why so many of his international appearances end in ridicule, not because the world does not understand him, but because it understands him very well.
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