Although everyone will more or less compete to prove that the citizens of Serbia are politically weak and that they can very easily be controlled by undemocratic and arrogant rulers combining political violence and media control, this, in fact, does not quite correspond to the truth. In fact, it can be said that the history of autocratic authorities in multi-party Serbia is at the same time the history of street protests, and that almost in all times of dramatic democratic deficit, there was a not so small number of citizens who were ready to go out into the streets, to fight for political rights. and protests against abuse of power. Of course, one can always talk about the extent to which the protests are massive, whether or not they are politically articulated, how successful they were, how they ended - often with disappointment and lethargy - but it cannot be said that, regardless of everything , a number of people who did not give up the fight to create a civilized and democratic society do not exist and do not survive here.
Regardless of the various subsequent interpretations, and the political and other parts that preceded it, it is quite certain that Slobodan Milosevic would not have left power in 2000 without massive civil protests. The greatest street success of the citizens of Serbia is certainly the overthrow of this autocratic ruler who is responsible for terrible wars and crimes in the region, and an unprecedented economic collapse in the country. Many pro-democracy protests from 1990 to today ended without success and with a loss of energy, but some of them managed to make the government, at least to some extent and at least for a period of time, withdraw and give up crazy ideas or at least dilute them a little.
Milošević's government would never have recognized the results of the local elections in 1996 if the citizens had not, for days and persistently, hung around the city squares. It is shown that protests have a greater chance of success if they have clear and realistic goals and demands, and if there is some kind of mutual agreement between the civil and party part of the demonstrations. Although citizens like, especially in recent times, demonstrations to be leaderless and without the active participation of opposition parties, in practice this turns out to be a shortcoming because political leaders are important for the success of protests, that is, the articulation of popular anger. Otherwise, everything is covered by "rosemary, snow and sedge".
The longest periods without serious civil protests under Milosevic and Vučić are, under number one, the period from 1993 to 1996, which was marked by wars and friction within the opposition parties. Under number two, the time after the recognition of the results of the local elections in Serbia in 1997, which was characterized by citizens' disappointment due to the political moves of the "king of the streets" Vuk Drašković and his SPO in Belgrade, i.e. the removal of Zoran Đinđić from the post of mayor of Belgrade. Citizens of elem react very badly, until today, to quarrels within the opposition or within anti-regime structures.
Under number three, it is the period after the progressives came to power in 2012. Although it was quite clear that Vučić was rapidly establishing an autocratic regime, destroying the opposition, abolishing public dialogue and free elections, creating a cult of personality and introducing primitive control of the media, there were no more serious civil protests until, relatively speaking, 2015 and street opposition to the project. Belgrade on the water". The progressive shock therapy, followed by the demonization of the opposition, produced results and the citizens were confused and disoriented. The disorientation was also contributed by the "wise" political move of the progressives to buy some yesterday's harsh political opponents for a bucket of fish. And in fact, the first really big anti-Vuvučić protests were the "Protests against the Dictatorship", which followed the presidential elections in April 2017. The reason for these, in certain moments extremely massive protests, was the atmosphere in which the elections were held, which were accompanied by countless irregularities, political violence and terrible instrumentalization of the media.
In the period from 2000 to 2012, street demonstrations were not aimed at democracy and human rights. On the contrary, they - with the unequivocal co-organization of radicals, later, progressives and ultra-right organizations - stood for completely different values and were often very violent. Their reason, on many occasions, was the extradition of those accused of war crimes to the Hague Tribunal. One should not particularly recall the bloody street riots in 2010 due to the Pride Parade. The protest in February 2008 against the declaration of Kosovo's independence was not directed against the then government, although the then radicals played an important role in it. Then the embassies of Western countries were attacked, demolished and burned, numerous shops were looted, shop windows and traffic lights were broken. The balance is: one dead, 200 injured, of which 35 are policemen, 192 arrested... "Patriots" were at that time stroking sneakers from destroyed shops, which was recorded in a video called "Kosovo for sneakers", which was viral on the Internet. Many tried to profit politically at that meeting: from the then Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica, through Tomislav Nikolić, Milorad Dodik, and up to Emir Kusturica, who in his speech threatened "house mice".
LET'S GO BACK TO THE NINETY-S
In 1990, the opposition that was emerging with great difficulty in Milosevic's Serbia organized several small rallies around Serbia, and the first large anti-regime demonstrations took place on March 9, 1991 in Belgrade. The massiveness of the protest apparently surprised the organizers themselves, the Serbian Reconstruction Movement and other opposition parties. This event turned Vuk Drašković into an overpowering leader of the opposition, although the demonstrations became a kind of nationwide rebellion, which was joined by the students, even then maintaining a non-partisan image. It started with a large number of people gathering on Belgrade's Republic Square on March 9, even though the gathering had been officially banned two days earlier. The police began an action to break up the rally using water cannons and tear gas, to which the crowd responded by counterattacking and breaking the cordon. At that moment, Drašković shouted from the terrace of the National Theater: "You're rushing, you're rushing!"
Soon the matter got out of control and the entire wider center of Belgrade became the scene of a conflict between police and demonstrators, which claimed two lives. After the death of one policeman, the police started shooting at citizens, and in addition to one killed, four citizens were wounded. Borisav Jović, then president of the Presidency of the SFRY, on Milošević's order, asked the members of this body to approve the military intervention in Belgrade and received the approval of the majority of the members, and tanks appeared on the streets of Belgrade. Vuk Drašković is arrested. During all that time, the regime's media has been campaigning against rallyists and protest organizers, who are declared to be "anti-Serb elements" in the service of the Croats and "forces of chaos", which will more or less be the model used to this day.
The next day, students start the famous protests at Terazijska cesma, where various speakers lined up, including the patriarch of the Serbian Orthodox Church Pavle. In response to the demonstrations, SPS organizes a counter rally in Usce. The civil protests achieved some success: the leaders of the Radio-television of Belgrade resigned, and the Minister of Internal Affairs, Radmilo Bogdanović, resigned, which were the demands of the demonstrators. Studio B and Radio B92, which were previously raided by the police, were also allowed to work freely. Actor Branislav Lečić started his political career at Terazijska česma. The demonstrations ended after the release of Vuk Drašković and other demonstrators from prison.
Then, on March 19 of that year, Milosevic met with students in the Rector's building. The conversation was conducted in front of the cameras. At that time, student Dragan Đilas, today's president of the Freedom and Justice Party, and his godfather, friend and longtime business partner Mlađan Đorđević, today the leader of the ultra-right movement "Oslobođenje", and then a student of the Belgrade Faculty of Political Sciences, had their political premiere.
STUDENT PROTEST AND VIDOVDAN ASSEMBLY
The two were also important actors in the Student Protest the following year, which began in June and lasted throughout the summer. The protest was organized by students of the Faculty of Electrical Engineering, and was supported by students from other faculties, as well as Dragan Đilas, who was the student vice-rector. The academics demanded the resignation of Slobodan Milošević, the dissolution of the Serbian Parliament, the calling of elections and the formation of a coalition government between the government and the opposition. The student protest mostly took place in the university premises, where forums and an appropriate cultural and artistic program were held. This kind of rebellion was more a kind of psychotherapy than a regime shaker. Mladen Durić, the current bishop of Düsseldorf and Germany, Grigorije, also participated in the student actions as a representative of the Faculty of Theology.
Two weeks after the beginning of the student rebellion, the anti-regime Vidovdan Assembly was organized in front of the current Serbian Parliament, in Pionirski Park, which lasted 7-8 days and where the new opposition coalition - DEPOS - was promoted. The Democratic Party did not want to join this protest, which looked like an ethno-camp. A group emerged from it, led by Vojislav Koštunica, which did not agree with that party decision. Then the Democratic Party of Serbia was practically formed, which became part of the new coalition, along with SPO, of course. DEPOS participated in the parliamentary elections in December of the same year and won 50 seats in the parliament. These protests did not achieve any success, and they demanded Milosevic's resignation, the dissolution of parliament and the formation of a government of national salvation.
SHORT BUT FURIOUS 1993.
The demonstrations on June 1, 1993, after the removal of the writer Dobrica Ćosić from the post of president of the FRY, were short but fierce. Previously, the radical duke Branislav Vakić knocked out SPO deputy Mihajlo Marković, which raised the atmosphere and was an additional reason for these riots under the name "Stop Fascism". The windows of the then Federal Assembly were broken, and a policeman was also killed. The murder was never solved, but it caused a fierce action by the police, who broke up the demonstration and arrested and beat Vuk Drašković, his wife Danica and some other SPO activists. A total of 131 people were arrested. After pressure from the international public, Milošević pardoned the Drašković family, who then went to France to recover. There were no major demonstrations in Serbia until November 1996 and the local elections.
POBEDA 1996/1997.
photo: Goranka Matić...and Čedomir Jovanović in 1996.
In the meantime, the coalition "Together" (SPO, DS and GSS) formed, after poor results in the federal elections, achieves an unexpected victory for many and wins power in most large cities in Serbia, including Belgrade. Although some SPS officials congratulated the coalition on the victory, it soon became clear that Milošević did not think of acknowledging the results of these elections. Then the long-lasting, three-month, very numerous protests throughout Serbia began, which resembled a political happening. Non-party students joined the protests in huge numbers, tens of thousands of them marched primarily through the streets of Belgrade, but also in other university cities. The students then threw out Čedomir Jovanović, who would later become a high-ranking official of the Democratic Party, then the leader of the Liberal Democratic Party, and have a steep political career. With him in 1996 and 1997 was another Čeda, less talented in politics but just as persistent, Čedomir Antić.
These demonstrations resulted in the victory of the opposition. Under internal and external pressure, Milošević had to give in and accept the results of the election. The then ruler of Serbia tried to quell the citizens' protests with a counter rally on September 24 in the center of Belgrade, which could have turned into a civil war. At the counter rally, which was relatively poorly attended, although people from various parts of Serbia were brought to it, Milosevic said the famous "I love you too!". During that day, Milošević's supporters beat protester Predrag Starčević to death, and an SPS member from Vrbas shot SPO member Ivica Lazović in the head, who luckily survived. Counter-protesters, on the other hand, were beaten here and there. Later, numerous other violent actions by the regime followed, but they failed to scare the citizens, who persevered - until victory.
RESISTANCE AND PROTESTS 1999-2000.
There is no doubt that the youth movement "Resistance" had a big part in the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević's regime. At the height of its power, this organization had as many as 70.000 members, who in various guerilla and creative ways "bitten the system". This organization gave birth to numerous personalities who will play an important role in the political and economic life of Serbia. For example, Srđa Popović will become a member of parliament in several convocations, an assistant minister in the Ministry of Ecology in the government of Zoran Đinđić, an advisor for sustainable development to Božidar Đelić in the government of Mirko Cvetković. Srđan Milivojević, a resistance fighter from Kruševac, a long-time member of parliament, is now the president of the IO of the Democratic Party. Ivan Andrić was a deputy of DOS, then a member of the presidency of the LDP and a member of parliament of this party. There was also the famous Slobodan Homen, former state secretary in the Ministry of Justice and "judicial reformer". Then Nenad Konstantinović, a long-time member of the DS and MP, at one time president of important parliamentary bodies. There is also Slobodan Đinović, who in the meantime made a good business in the field of telecommunications (Orion Telekom)... It cannot be said that they were not resourceful.
The protests in 1999, which followed the NATO intervention, were led by the "Alliance for Change" coalition (consisting of the DS, GSS, Nova Srbija and the Democratic Christian Party of Serbia), which will be the backbone of the future DOS. They lasted from August to September of that year and ended with violent interventions by the police. They started with an opposition rally on Preobraženje, remembered for the fact that Vuk Drašković's bodyguards fought with Đinđić's security. The goal of the protest was the overthrow of Milosevic. He, of course, was not realized, but these demonstrations were a warm-up for what would happen next year. At these protests, citizens will have the opportunity to meet the new leader of the GSS, Goran Svilanović, whose (international) political career continues to this day. He is currently an adviser to the Montenegrin Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapić.
So much has already been said and written about October 5, 2000, that it is boring and pointless to repeat it. It was the end of perhaps the most unfortunate stage in the history of Serbia, because Milosevic's regime not only destroyed the country and its economy, but also made Serbia and the Serbs pariahs of the world, created a disastrous image for them, from which they will not - and even if they want to - get rid of it. The October XNUMXth changes launched many opposition politicians and public figures into the stars, some unexpectedly, because it seemed that they were not "from this side". This is how it happened that, for example, JUL's Željko Mitrović was also the winner on October XNUMXth.
photo: private archiveECOLOGY IN THE FOREGROUND: Dobrica Veselinović with Radomir Lazović (NDMBGD)...
ANTI-VUČIĆ PROTESTS
The first mass protests for Vučić's appointment took place in April 2015. Citizens protested against the megalomaniac, urbicidal and highly disruptive project "Belgrade on the Water". These demonstrations were the initiation for the creation of the "Don't drown Belgrade" movement, which will become known to the general public after the mass protests that were organized in Belgrade from May 2016 to February 2017, and after the "phantom" demolition in Hercegovačka street. The protests were not successful in terms of achieving goals and demands, but they gave birth to some new political figures, such as Dobrica Veselinović and Radomir Lazović. The so-called "Don't drown Belgrade" movement was formed this year. The left-green coalition, which will independently, as things stand now, contest the Belgrade and parliamentary elections next year.
We have already said that the first mass protests directed directly against Aleksandar Vučić and his autocratic government followed the presidential elections in 2017, under the name "Against Dictatorship". It is still a secret how these demonstrations came about, and some believe that they are spontaneous protests organized by various individuals, with the help of social networks. Held in several cities in Serbia, at the beginning the protests were numerous and dominated by young people. They had an extremely anti-leader character and did not give birth to a single significant political name, and initially the demands they made were not clear either. It was then agreed to request the replacement of the Republican Election Commission, the replacement of the directors and editors of news programs of public media services, the replacement of REM members, and so on. Then there was a conflict between the factions within the organizers, so the demands were changed and supplemented. Although at times they seemed magnificent, they are a clear indication that without clear political articulation and precise and achievable goals, street interventions by citizens are doomed to failure.
Protests under the slogans "Stop the bloody shirts", "1 out of 5 million", then "Boycott 2020" and "Civil resistance" lasted, with ups and downs, from the fall of 2018 until March 10, 2020, when they were suspended due to the pandemic . It seemed that the pandemic came in handy for the organizers to end this endless and essentially idealess gathering of citizens and activists. It was not clear who was actually organizing the protests, there was confusion, and various civil movements, student organizations and opposition parties were fighting over who would lead them and who would give them impetus. None of the demands from these protests were adopted, but the idea of boycotting undemocratic elections was born from them. The activist group "1 out of 5 million", which claimed to be behind the protest, decided to go to the elections anyway and experienced a real debacle. Perhaps the most recognizable new face of these protests is the "1 out of 5 million" activist Valentina Reković, who in the meantime joined the Party for Freedom and Justice and publicly repented for participating in the elections.
Photo: Miloš Milivojević / Tanjug...and Aleksandar Jovanović Ćuta
Last year's July protests in Serbian cities were directed against the announcement of the tightening of covid-measures. They will be remembered for riots, police brutality and the participation of progressive paramilitary structures, which aimed to suppress them, from within and without. They did not produce any leaders, but they brought popularity to the journalists who reported from them. It cannot be said that they have not been successful: the government is still very carefully weighing what anti-pandemic measures they will impose on citizens.
Finally, we come to the explosion of environmental protests across the country, which culminated in the recent roadblocks in Serbia. These blockades, as we know, have achieved their goal, or so it seems now. They won the insane Law on Expropriation and the undemocratic Law on Referendum and People's Initiative. Part of the organizers continued with the blockades even after the victory, with new demands. We'll see how it all ends. All in all, these protests threw two names into the political orbit: initially, Aleksandar Jovanović Ćuta, who suddenly appeared as some kind of "unexpected force", and then the leader of the "Move-Change" Movement, Sava Manojlović. It will be interesting to follow their future career. Some would bet that they can also be good presidential candidates who will take on Mr. Vučić next year.
The text is part of the project "Improving Democracy in Serbia", which the weekly "Vreme" is implementing with the support of the American National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The project "Encouraging public debate on democracy before the elections" is financed by NED. This text, the entire content and the views expressed are the sole responsibility of the weekly "Vreme" and in no way reflect the views and opinions of NED.
