Vučić and the police: The vampirization of the "laufer"

Vucic is, through his ideological and political father Vojislav Seselj revived "Laufer" and the "radical information service" - and where else than on Informer television, which is owned by his media "son" Dragan J. Vučićević, a person who served all regimes from October 5, 2000 onwards.

For younger readers, who do not remember, Seselj published the book "Laufer informs me" before going to The Hague, where he published documents from the Department of State Security of the Ministry of Interior of Serbia about various politicians from the then ruling Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS). Most of the things there were true and based on facts, but there was also what Seselj "wrote".

When he went to The Hague, the book "Laufer did not forget me" was published under the editorship of Aleksandar Vučić.

The moment the radicals disbanded and Vučić, after a few weeks of "silence", moved to the newly formed Serbian Progressive Party, the "laufer" ceased to exist. How and why - people from BIA know that. "'Laufer' was not just one, there were at least three of them, two of whom are no longer alive. With their departure from the Service, their retirement, they stopped receiving information, and then the people who gave them information also retired," one of the former high-ranking members of the BIA told "Vreme".

Good old scarecrow Seselj

And then Šešelj remembered again "Laufer", in his propaganda against students, which he sows with an unprecedented amount of hatred through television with a national frequency, and those from provider channels, such as "Informer".

So he "exclusively" revealed that the "radical information service - Laufer" (allegedly a non-existent organization that has been re-established) informed him that Vučić held a meeting with the entire police leadership and gave an ultimatum order - "either to arrest today all the attackers of the students at the student dormitory (to Miloš Pavlović - the leader of the 'ćacija'), or they will all be replaced", and that is why the police went into action.

The author of this article spoke with several police officials, who by the nature of their work should have been aware of such a meeting, and they all denied it.

"Vučić is trying to intimidate us through Šešelj. And Šešelj, again, does not understand that this is no longer the nineties, for him time has stopped and his intellect has stopped at that time, he has not 'reset'. He does not know that there are young, honorable policemen here who will not be called out for illegal actions. They have been educated, graduated from the Police Academy, and will not blindly obey the orders of their bosses, who were appointed to the position because they are unquestioningly loyal, and co-workers call them 'chipmunks,'" claims the police colonel before his retirement.

Vučić and the police chief

Vučić, possibly, claims another source, could have approached the officials of the Police Department for the city of Belgrade in some way, to join the meeting held with them by Chief Veselin Milić, his former adviser and confidant. But Milić is not so naive either, he preserved his survival in office because of the "drawer" he has, in which there are all kinds of things, many unpopular things of members of Vučić's "caste".

Similarly, former police director Milorad Veljović, current Vučić's security advisor, survives, his "drawer" is full.

"Vremen" sources from the MUP point to the fact that for a long time they have not invited the commander of the Special Anti-Terrorist Unit (SAJ), Colonel Spasoj Vulevic, to the meetings where various actions against students and protest participants are decided, because they judged that he is not "theirs", i.e. he only respects the law and that he once stood up to the then Minister of Defense Bratislav Gašić to use the unit against protesters, explaining to him that, according to the law and internal regulations, this is not the purpose of the SAJ.

Resistance in the police

Vučić's trust in the police, especially the one in Belgrade, has been "crowning" for a long time, and he does not hide it in his public appearances, which are approximately five times a week. Because the police officers, that is, their bosses, refused on several occasions to use illegal force against the participants of the protest, and at the same time they used it against SNS stormtroopers, members of the party's "SA squads" (Sturmabteilung, paramilitary formations of Hitler's National Socialist Party). Now he openly started calling out the police for being on the side of the "blockade".

He called out Vulevic at the end of last year, as well as the assistant director of the police, General Bogoljub Živković, whose son is active in protests at the Faculty of Law, accusing them of being on the side of the opposition. And when Živković's son was beaten by SNS thugs, and the case was reported to the police as a "fan confrontation", Vučić's machinery came into action, claiming that "fascists and Nazis" had beaten "Miloš ćacija".

At two in the morning, Minister Zlatibor Lončar appeared in Urgentno, with all the cameras of the most obscure regime media tabloids - Pink, Informer, Alo, Novosti and the like. And the chase began, which had to end with the arrest of 18 students. And "Miloš ćaci", who made his statement from a wheelchair, appeared in the morning at Vučić's, healthy and well, and later he hosted the President of the Assembly Ana Brnabić in "Ćaciland", who showed, once again, his true face - a person steeped in hatred, unsophisticated in language and disconnected in thoughts.

Police in Student City

What do the policemen say about all this - one of them points to the fact that "Miloša ćacija" is also constantly guarded by the police in the wild camp in Pionirski Park, and follows him wherever he goes, as well as members of the BIA.

"Look at the video from that cafe in 'Studenjak', when they started throwing things at him, the policemen approached him, talked to him, wrote something down and left. They didn't think he was in danger. Maybe that's the reason why Vučić attacked the police. But the worst of all is Dacić, who it is not known whether he will first court Vučić or secretly side with the students. It wouldn't be the first time."

Dacic's colleague from her studies, who was in the student dormitory like him, points to the forgotten fact that it is enough for five people to gather in "Studenjak" and start shouting "whoah", with or without a reason, and for the others to immediately gather and start a protest. "Ivica has forgotten that," she states and adds that he might remember that forerunner if things go badly for the regime.

But, in any case, Šešelj's "Laufer" is back on the scene and that obscure character, convicted of war crimes, will, in the final defense of Vučić (evildoers would say - in exchange for a fat sinecure in euros), only begin to slander the police and the prosecutor's office, because his political and ideological child finally realizes that there are people for whom the law is above convenience.

"He can replace me, it won't hurt me, he will appoint me to a formally higher position, with a higher salary. And what did he gain by that, only the dissatisfaction of my former subordinates, to whom he appointed a 'crack' as their boss. And that 'crack' cannot progress, you know what 'cracks' are - they last until they burn," explains the active police officer illustratively.