He was born in 1970 in Belgrade. He says that at birth he weighed only one kilo and six hundred grams, but also that the midwife said "it will be a soldier's size and a half". He finished primary school in New Belgrade, and then Zemun High School. He graduated from the Faculty of Law, he says, in record time.
Football has been his "fetish" since childhood, and cheering is his passion and honor. He spent a lot of time in the north stand of the Maracana, and he likes to say that he "neither regrets nor regrets it", in fact he is even proud.
Although he started his career as a journalist in Pale, he quickly entered politics and already in 1993 he became a member of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), then a deputy in the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia, and two years later the general secretary of the SRS. The first radical award for the young political lion was the position of director of the "Pinky" Hall, which is remembered for the first affair with which his name is associated.
When the SRS formed a government with the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) and the Yugoslav Left (JUL) in 1998, Vučić became the Minister of Information. Although he accused Milosevic of being a traitor in his famous wartime speech in Glina, it seems that putting on a new political coat was not difficult for him. His first ministry was marked by a draconian law against independent media that provided for rigorous fines for all newsrooms characterized as "unpatriotic".
When he decided to walk around the city on October 5, says Vučić, some drugged young men attacked him "so he had to beat them up". "They didn't want to calm down, they attacked again and then I knocked them out one more time," Vučić boasted of his skills from the stands. For him, October 5, 2000 is "the tragedy of the Serbian people". He has not yet instituted it as a day of mourning.
Before the presidential elections in 2004, he offered a bet that in the event of Tadić's victory, he would leave politics. Tadic won, but he did not fulfill his promise. It will turn out that this will become a habit for him, and later on, he will promise on several occasions that he will step down from the position of SNS president "soon", but he will never step down.
He ran for mayor of Belgrade in all city elections from 2004 to 2012, and was defeated every time.
When Tomislav Nikolić turned his back on Šešelj and founded the Serbian Progressive Party, Vučić weighed for a long time and in the end weighed well: he became Nikolić's deputy in the SNS, and after the 2012 elections, the Minister of Defense and First Vice-President of the Government. He was appointed secretary of the National Security Council, which allowed him to take control of the security services. When he became the president of the country, Nikolić, as he promised, stepped down from the position of SNS chairman.
He became Prime Minister in 2014. He is gradually cleaning the SNS from Nikolić's people. In the presidential elections of 2017, he won convincingly and cemented the emerging personality cult.
Constitutional restrictions do not apply to him. The big "boss", as his party colleagues call him, asks about everything and knows everything best.
Countless affairs do not affect his popularity. He deals brutally with dissenters, the controlled media work at full steam: they glorify him and lash out at anyone who does not see him as the Serbian messiah. His rating was not harmed by the deep social gap in society, which is getting bigger and bigger.
He does not like journalists who ask unpleasant questions, and especially not those who ask about Jovanjica, Krušik, or the demolition in Savamala. His biggest enemy is Dragan Đilas, i.e. Šolak-Đilas, which is the basis of the evil against which he defends Serbia.
He led Serbia in the fight against the corona virus and became the champion of acquired vaccines.
So far, he has avoided dozens of assassinations, and he was allegedly eavesdropped. He presents himself as a fearless fighter against organized crime who is not afraid of anyone, and his most powerful weapon is the tabloids. He sometimes calls political opponents "girls".
In foreign policy, he tries to sit on three chairs, and talks less and less about the European path. He is best with the Chinese, but he liked to visit with Angela Merkel. As rude as he is at home, he is as humble in the presence of all the world powers.
He speaks English and Russian fluently, uses French, is learning German, and speaks Chinese when necessary - "but it is difficult to understand him".
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