"Property restitution" - behind this, and in Hungarian, rather bureaucratic expression, hides one of the most important pre-election promises of the new authorities in Hungary. Prime Minister Peter the Hungarian and his ruling party, Tisa, want to return the money and property to the state that were during the reign Viktor Orban in a suspicious way fell into the hands of oligarchs, party friends, people who served as fronts or members of the autocrat's family. At the same time, they want to be legally responsible for those who benefited from it illegally, writes DW.
It is a comprehensive operation against corruption. This is precisely what many Hungarians expect from the new government more than anything else: that the billions that they believe were stolen from them be returned to the citizens. Many also want to "hear how they handcuff" users of the Orbán system and see them behind bars, as can be read on social networks.
The success or failure of the "property restitution" will decisively affect the political future of the Hungarian Prime Minister and his party, many observers believe. It's no wonder, because we are talking about huge sums of money that were allegedly diverted illegally during the time of Orban. During the election campaign, the Hungarian spoke about the amount of around 60 billion euros. In the meantime, estimates that are even three times higher are mentioned.
Thirst for punishment and justice
In the public mind, those sums are associated with the images of decadent luxury of the Orbán system: the former prime minister's family, his party friends and oligarchs live in luxurious villas, fly private jets, rest on luxury yachts and win public tenders worth billions.
But, of course, it is about much more than that. The entire caste of party cadres from Orbán's Fidesz and its entourage, as well as entrepreneurs, artists, academics and journalists close to Orbán, have been generously supported by public funds for years - while their main qualification was, above all, loyalty to Orbán.
In contrast, the impoverishment of many Hungarians, the departure of young people from the country, the neglected and partially completely collapsed public infrastructure, difficult conditions in schools and hospitals, and a huge budget deficit that currently amounts to 7,5 percent of GDP. In light of this discrepancy, there is a great desire for punishment and justice in Hungary.
Unusually large powers
Less than four months after Peter Magyar's government took office, the anti-corruption operation has now begun and is practically being implemented. After the National Administration for Restitution and Protection of Assets (NVVH) was established by law at the end of July, its formation will continue in the coming weeks.
One thing is already clear: it will be a "super institution" with extremely broad powers and maximum independence.
An agency like NVVH in Hungary since the system change in 1989/90. did not exist until now - although the country needed it. Privatization of public and state property from the time of the communist dictatorship in Hungary, as in almost the entire former Eastern Bloc, was largely carried out by fraud. The consequences were serious in only a few cases.
When Viktor Orbán came to power in 2010, there was a lukewarm attempt to shed light on the chronic corruption of the previous socialist-liberal government of Ferenc Đurčany. That attempt, however, ended without results.
Controversy over agency staff
This time should be different. NVVH, on the one hand, will retroactively investigate where public money went and how assets, such as real estate, were used. Although the precise date from which the cases would be investigated has not been determined, it will mostly be about cases from the period of Orbán's system, that is, from 2010.
On the other hand, the agency will also deal with preventive property protection and monitor whether public money and property are used legally in the future.
The NVVH has both police and prosecutorial powers, meaning it can conduct investigations and bring charges. It is accountable only to parliament for its work.
As in several other cases since the government of Peter Magyar came to power, the establishment of the NVVH was accompanied by a controversy over personnel.
At the end of last week, the parliament appointed 46-year-old political scientist Anna Unger from Budapest University "Eötvös Loránd" as the head of the new institution. She is an expert in political systems, democratic institutions and party financing, and was chosen in a multi-phase procedure from among almost a hundred candidates.
Until now almost unknown to the public
Unger has been virtually unknown to the general public, which is why many observers were surprised by her choice. Although she has also dealt with political corruption in her academic work, she is not a specialist in that field, and she is not a lawyer.
Many expected that prominent lawyers and anti-corruption experts, such as Miklós Ligeti, director of Transparency International Hungary, would be given the position.
Ligeti, who was also considered a serious candidate, is now being mentioned as one of the alternates. Unger will have a total of four deputies with different powers.
The distinguished prosecutor Katalin Tašnađi, who previously worked at the Central Prosecutor's Office for investigations, has already been appointed as the deputy in charge of investigations.
Government representatives explained Unger's choice by saying that she presented a comprehensive political vision for the institution's work in her application.
She herself said during the hearing in the parliament that in Hungary during Orban's time it was about something much bigger than classic corruption. According to her, a kind of feudal system reigned.
In addition to compensation and restitution, according to Unger, the system of misappropriation should be thoroughly exposed in order to prevent such circumstances from ever happening again.
How long will it take for the verdict?
The biggest controversy erupted due to a statement by Unger, who said that it would be "crazy" to believe that during the institution's first six-year mandate, final verdicts in major corruption cases would be passed.
The well-known video blogger and publicist Robert Puger rated her statement on Facebook as "devastating".
According to him, the Prime Minister received "unrecorded authority to call the looters of the country to account" during the elections. If the Hungarians now have to wait six years, it would lead to the collapse of the Tisza government, according to Pužer.
The Hungarian Prime Minister reacted quite angrily to widespread criticism that the head of the NVVH is not a lawyer.
"There was never a promise that the people, like in some casting show, would vote on who would lead NVVH," he wrote on Facebook. As he stated, the experts assessed that Unger is suitable for the position.
Political scientist Gabor Terek assessed in the 24.hu portal podcast that the process of forming the institution shows that NVVH will partly be a "historical institution" and partly a "strong political institution" whose task will be to face the past.
The public's expectation from the Tisa party is a "fundamental reckoning" with the old system. The government can preserve the trust placed in it only if it does not create the impression that the "culprits of the previous order" will escape responsibility.
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