What did the partial local quasi-elections on March 29 show? To begin with – Vučićeva the victory of slightly less than four percent of the total voters did not fascinate anyone. The exception may be his son Danilo, who, in the style of a fan leader on a pole, started chanting for his father during a public address. Also, it is possible that some addicts of TV "Informer" briefly relieved.
But Vučić didn't deceive anyone, regardless of how much his surroundings favored him. Smarter people in Social Media and how they know that with a meager tactical victory - the famous 10:0 - they became strategic losers. Compared to the previous elections, they now have 20 percent less votes in ten local areas - somewhere more, somewhere less.
If in those villages and towns, completely dependent on the regime barons and their sizeren, the decline of the SNS has not been stopped, what awaits them in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Kragujevac, Niš, Čačak, Kraljevo, Valjevo, Užice...? Especially since dear God knows how many millions of euros Vučić lost in the most expensive local elections in history (as his colleague Nedim Sejdinović writes), violated the law and articles of the Constitution, gathered criminal gangs, and all just to slaughter an ox for herniated ribs.
Neither he nor his party will be satisfied. That's why Vučić looked like the coach and captain of Real Madrid in the same person who is euphorically celebrating the victory over FC Mladost Lucani already a day after the vote.
"WE ARE ONLY HERE FOR THE MONEY"
The past by-elections are a euphemism for a festival of lawlessness, insanity and brutality. Their regularity would not be recognized in any even organized country. However, Vučić saw them as an opportunity to demonstrate personal consolidation and raise the morale of the SNS. His goal was to sway the students and the rebellious society, and to amortize the demands for extraordinary parliamentary elections.
It turned out the opposite. What kind of consolidation can a regime that is not capable of organizing local elections in a normal way speak of? what kind of morale improvement can we talk about in a party whose barons buy the votes of citizens or steal them by fraud and blackmail; what kind of success does the head of state and every citizen celebrate when he usurped more than ninety percent of the media every second and harnessed the entire regime apparatus to a personal campaign? But at least one thing is clear in all this uproar - the progressives no longer have party activists, they have been replaced by paid thugs.
From the very beginning, the line KUD Idijota from the song of the same name can be applied to SNS as a definition - "We're only here for money." Nobody believes anything in them anymore, let alone that they are capable of solving any essential and strategic problem in the country. There is no party that fought so hard for its privileges and corrupt interests. In the same context - no more ready to completely destroy the constitutional and legal order of the country. Changes may start at the local level, but the key ones end only at the highly centralized level Of Serbia.
Quasi-elections in Kula, Bor, Arandjelovac further increased dissatisfaction with the regime and deepened the already too deep political crisis. With this, Vučić himself underlined the necessity of extraordinary parliamentary elections as soon as possible. With his obsession to achieve 10:0 at any cost, he proved both his personal and his regime's incompatibility with elementary democracy.
But even with violence, blackmail and vote buying, Vučić failed. For the time being in Kula - since the students are asking for a repeat election in at least three places - two councilors from DZVM and one from SRS give him the majority; in Sevojno, there are nine councilors each from students and the coalition around SNS, so everything depends on one councilor from "Zdrava Serbia"; in Arandjelovac, students have a mandate less than the progressives and their satellites...
There is no doubt that it would be very good if the students and others from the rebellious society managed to change the government in at least a few local governments. But in the circumstances that prevailed before and during the vote, no one would be able to do that. Because of this, there may be some regrets, but not disappointments.
PEOPLE'S REVOLT AND RESISTANCE
The public is aware that Vučić's "victories" do not maintain the majority mood of ten self-governments, much less the entire country. When you compare the millions of euros, the almost complete media control and the open abuse of state resources with what the students and the rebellious society had at their disposal, at least one thing is clear. And that is that the boys and girls, together with the choir members, with the little money and other resources collected from the citizens, dealt a heavy blow to the regime.
If that is not an indicator of popular revolt and resistance, then it is nothing. The student slogan "No one is tired" from the beginning of the protest got a sequel - "No one is defeated."
The partial local quasi-elections showed that Vučić has definitely moved from the zone of politics to outright repression. This is already evidenced by the latest attack on the Faculty of Philosophy and the University of Belgrade (see text on page 8).
Watching Ana Brnabić attack Vladan Đokić in the most disgusting Šešelj style during the session of the Parliamentary Committee on Education forces every normal citizen to personally apologize to the rector that such a woman is at the head of the National Assembly. Listening to the director of the criminalized police, Dragan Vasiljević, as he teaches the deans what their job is, raises the question of whether the Serbia of 2026 has become the Germany of 1936.
Quite simply, the regime wants to nip in the bud every critical and free thought, let alone its expression. He doesn't see the citizens, but the subjects - scared, miserable and hiding - constantly looking back and whispering while in the background Vučić's speeches echo from all the screens, the bat boots of Marko Kričko and his ultra-loyalists, the drunken hissing of Čatziland cadets...
The country is further and further away from European and civilizational values. This is the core of Vučić's Plan 2035. After March 29, he moved from a facade democracy to an open autocracy.
Will Vučić and the progressives succeed in this plan? They won't. In addition to the above, March 29 also showed something else. And yes, there are those who will defend the Constitution, the law, human rights, justice, honesty, civil liberties, the people and the state... And every day, there are more and more of them.
Real journalism costs money, and we will not be bought by tycoons and corporations. Support us with a one-time or monthly donation. The time for it is now!
