Zoran Stojiljkovic, teacher Faculty of Political Science of the University of Belgrade in retirement, he wrote Political primer for adults with the aim of reminding in a simple and reviewed way of the basic terms in the field of political science at a time when that knowledge is increasingly needed.
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Relying on material from the column Political primer, which he published in the newspaper Our fight during the nineties, as well as at his lectures in the Political Sociology of Contemporary Society course at the FPN, Stojiljković presents in this book a kind of synthesis of the issues he dealt with throughout his career.
Political primer is primarily a book about the causes of the current crisis of democracy (both locally and globally) and possible responses to that crisis. Stojiljković cites a public opinion survey from 2023, conducted in 30 countries and with 36.000 respondents, which showed that trust in democracy is at an all-time low. Research in Serbia shows even more drastic data about distrust in institutions and the inability of citizens to influence political decisions.
Skepticism is justified because democratic processes have been reduced to shells emptied of true democracy: institutions are a facade while decisions come from uncontrolled centers of power, elections take place but under irregular conditions, courts exist but are not independent of the executive, political discourse is reduced to performances in the media, money flows in politics are non-transparent while wealth inequality reaches unimaginable proportions. The long-encouraged belief that politics is something "in which honest people do not interfere" leads to the fact that the space of public action is left to the political elites as a closed caste that serves personal and economic interests instead of the public good.
Is there a solution to the feeling of learned helplessness, apathy and political cynicism of a large part of citizens? Stojiljković is convinced that the cure is more, not less, democracy, and that its best defense is an active and upright citizenry. An important but not sufficient condition for change is education, because democracy must be constantly practiced and applied in practice.
Political primer, described in the introduction as a guide for "transforming subjects into citizens", talks about the importance of political literacy. Let's say, such citizens are aware that salaries and pensions are not alms that the master gives them from his own pocket, but that they have earned them themselves.
Instead of an approach to politics in which the dominant emotions are awe on the one hand, and contempt on the other, this book invites readers to develop an awareness of their own responsibilities and rights: for going to the polls, for monitoring the work of the three branches of government and supervisory bodies, for dignified and adequately paid work, for solidarity with comrades-in-arms and with those whose rights are threatened. Although Stojiljković's forecasts are often pessimistic, he believes that the current student protests are a reason for optimism because they succeed in converting more and more people from the position of passive observers to the role of participants in political events. This is most visible in the fourth part of the book, which deals with civil disobedience, union activism and strikes.
The more citizens know, the more opportunities they have for action and the more aware they are of how politics affects their daily lives. The better they know the working mechanisms of institutions, the faster they notice when the government abuses them. The deeper they understand the value bases of different ideologies, the easier it will be to orientate themselves in today's times post-truth in which many traditional political divisions have changed beyond recognition. More importantly, political literacy makes citizens more resistant to the chameleon nature of authoritarian populism.
Stojiljković uses John Keen's metaphor that "authoritarian populism is an autoimmune disease of democracy". Authoritarian leaders claim that they speak for the people and that they do not need intermediaries, and under this pretext they destroy all democratic mechanisms and bodies that limit their power. Populists skillfully observe the real weaknesses of democracy, the alienation and frustration of citizens, but they offer impractically simple solutions for them. "Defending the people from the elite", they undermine the judiciary, make the media meaningless and capture the state. Sound familiar?
Among the complex causes of the success of authoritarian populism around the world, this book singles out the "closing of the education channel": quality education is becoming increasingly unaffordable for most people due to growing economic inequality and the commercialization of education. Although he emphasizes the importance of the professional and academic public in the fight against, as he says, today's ubiquitous "combination of limited intellect and unlimited Internet", Stojiljković does not act from a position of academic elitism, nor does he present political literacy as a magic cure for accumulated problems.
Political primer is rather an invitation to critical thinking. In addition to an explanation of terms and an excellent overview of the current state, it also provides a detailed list of relevant literature that provides a basis for further research and reflection on these topics.
Political primer Zoran Stojiljković was published by the Belgrade publisher Clio.
