In a country of broken institutions, where the (kleptocratic) government has turned against the citizens, the idea of the opposition leaders to enter the city assembly building with the help of the citizens - while it was clear that they would not succeed - was a forced move. , but also strategically justified. They forced Vučić to take out the police, stood in the front lines, drank tear gas and endured police brutality, without getting the impression that it scared them. Nor the citizens, after all. To that extent, the text that follows does not deal with what happened, but with what effects this move produces.
1. The determination with which he is democratic opposition performed - here we are not only referring to the "siege of the town hall", but also to the hunger strikers, as well as to new faces like Sofija Mandić and Tanasi Mladenović - very clearly signals to Vučić that he must not give in. Although it is not easy to guess what is going on in his unstable head, that head follows some kind of logic, and the logic - probably clear to him too - says that, now, he must not back down even an inch, because if he retreats even half a step, if, for example, he tries to repeat the Belgrade elections as a concession, it is certain that those elections will not be held under the current conditions, that is, he will have to make another concession. And elections that are not held according to his rules without rules, that is, according to the rule that he can steal recklessly, Vučić cannot win. If he calls the Belgrade elections - whether these elections are annulled, whether dr. Nestorović remains "consistent" and does not side with anyone (as if he is not Vučić's puppet, but let's leave that for now) - this time, the opposition will take citizens to the streets before the elections.
2. If it is certain that the opposition MPs will not enter the city assembly if the mandates are distributed after illegitimate elections, it should be suggested to them that they have no place in the republican assembly either, for the same reasons. The opposition simply has to play the card of responsibility and consistency, when Vučić has already deleted those qualities from his repertoire. Not entering the republican parliament would be a gesture as strong as trying to enter the city hall. If someone were to notice that, by boycotting the elections, they had already tried that once, it would not be a good comparison: even though Vučić was known to steal wantonly from the first elections he organized, now he is simply caught with his hand firmly in the same bag which, at one time, during the "non-popular regime", demonstratively and dramatically brought in front of the republican parliament. These elections do not even give a semblance of legitimacy. A one-party assembly would simply be a burden to Vučić. At the same time, if the democratic opposition strengthens its own cohesion with such moves and if it succeeds in creating an even stronger political organization - perhaps we should not hope for just one party, but we could suggest to them such an idea that would mean the victory of the general over the personal - the great players have someone to talk to, and that seems crucial.
3. The big powers are not overly sensitive to turmoil in small countries like Serbia, and a sudden U-turn from Vučić should not be expected. But... not only that, so far, no one relevant has congratulated him on his electoral "success" (except for Ambassador Hill, indirectly) and not only that Vučić's European ties are falling apart, but his strategy of endless procrastination and waiting for the elections for the European parliament, or in the American elections, something happens that would be in his favor, very problematic. He is simply not doing well at home, and there is a question of merged courts. For that reason, would it be good for him to play dead again for a while (to join Zagorka Dolovac) and wait for the opposition and citizens to be exhausted? He will try, undoubtedly, he is already doing it, but the theft in which he was caught does not guarantee him a pleasant silence.
4. Just as Vučić brought the citizens to the streets with his insensitivity and sarcastic demeanor after the May murders - and the citizens, as we can see, were not exhausted - so he also increased the number of citizens with his somnambulistic press conference, a few hours before the opposition rally. at that gathering. Therefore, Vučić is wrong. And more and more often. It is also a mistake that he brought out huge police forces, certainly disproportionate figures from the "1940" citizens who were in front of the city hall, as many as he counted. It is also a mistake that there was no one else in these elections except him, and not only because a huge number of less educated people believed they were voting for him, but simply because of the inflation of character and actions. Perhaps, again, someone will notice that it is not inflation if the combination is a win, but the combination is a win only in conjunction with wanton theft and complete media darkness. That's why he simply cannot give in. And in a situation where his room for maneuver is dramatically reduced - he actually wasn't.
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