Hannah Arendt writes in one place that, after great upheavals, people fear the "radical contingency" of what follows. In other words, after major upheavals, there is no guarantee that things will be better and different. There is no necessity in the political field, nor is there any in "human affairs": everything is a coincidence and the result of power relations. This is precisely why, after all, democracy is the least bad of all systems: democracy, unlike any other political form, offers relative stability and freedom.
In the Serbian case, not a small number of citizens fear that later Vučić era be worse. However, this is unlikely, even if, due to the breakdown of Vučić's mafia structure, a vacuum would arise in the takeover of power, because this structure of "radical and radical discontinuity" ("history begins with us and ends with us, after us the flood") would simply slip away, as it had slipped away and Milošević's mafia team so the country, for a time, had to import electricity, and Belgrade, for example, was without public transport for a while. It is unlikely that it will be worse after Vučić because it is hard to imagine that there is anything worse than this.
But the coincidence remains.
Certainty in case of Vučić's victory
On the one hand, therefore, we have complete certainty in the event that Vučić steals the elections that he has just called: in a matter of hours, he would sell off the country, even faster than he has done so far, and poison mines like lithium mines would start sprouting like poisonous mushrooms after the rain; his and his team's crimes would be buried even deeper; media scene it would be almost completely shut down, so without N1 and Nova, without Radar and Danas; the air in Belgrade and other larger or industrial cities would become even more poisonous, and the death rate from cancer would increase; the health system would be finished; the court processes, which even now do not resemble anything, would finally release all the force of the Stalinist charm; it would completely destroy the University and education; young people would rush across the borders in wide columns, to his indescribable pleasure; a poor world that tries in every way to keep him in power would become even poorer, even more desperate and even more grateful to the great Leader for all this.
And so until a perfect and complete breakdown Of Serbia which, during his reign, had already reached the African standard.
It goes without saying that even if he were to steal these elections - and he is stealing them now, as always, through almost complete media control, through an official campaign, and through the illegal use of the money of the citizens of Serbia (in other words, robbery) - he cannot rule with civilizational mechanisms (as he has not done so far, after all), but only with police violence and brutality of beatings.
Even today, Vučić cannot beg even today without thick police protection and organized criminal phalanxes (see under Užice, Novi Sad and Niš). Of course, that can still function for some time, by inertia, unless he would round off the Belarusian or Russian model, which would open up a possibility for him if he had quality stolen elections.
Uncertainty in case of the fall of the progressive regime
So much for certainty.
The fall of Vučić's regime, however, would not open the field of "radical coincidence" because here, first of all, it is not a revolution based on untested ideas, but this is a fight against dictatorship, that is, a fight for the establishment of a republic. The student movement was founded on republican ideas, so even though it mixed everything and anything in the meantime, those ideas remained a guide for action after the fall of the regime.
However, there is no more difficult task than establishing a Republic, in this case the Second Serbian Republic (the first was the one on October 5). We are not only facing the rebuilding of institutions that have been destroyed to the core - and the Vučić regime destroyed, literally, everything - but also an enormously large task that goes hand in hand with the building of republican institutions, that is, hand in hand with the constitution of an assembly instead of the current cloaca, the introduction of the police into legal frameworks, the recovery of the judiciary, the strengthening of the function of the president, the restoration of public space, the separation of state and church.
That enormous task is to pull the citizens out of the drain into which, first Milošević and Šešelj, then Vučić and Dacić, pushed them with joy, so that today, happy to stink, they celebrate a mass murderer and an incompetent officer as an unsurpassed role model. Until Milosevic, Serbia was never so low on the civilization ladder, but it must be admitted that Vučić is very successfully keeping it in the same waste waters.
There is, therefore, no more difficult task in the world than that. And there is absolutely no excuse for every citizen, after the fall of Vučić's regime, not to accept a part of that fiendishly difficult task.
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