The first and basic experience with Vučić Aleksandar is that he cannot be trusted even when he says that his last name is Vučić Aleksandar. Man simply lies compulsively. Not so much his matchmaking with the date of publication of choice means nothing until the election is called.
There is, however, a logic that Aleksandar Ivković relies on in an interview with and Nemanja Rujević in the text "Why Vučić wants parliamentary elections before the presidential elections": whichever candidate Vučić takes to the presidential elections, he has little chance against the candidate of the student movement. Vučić, with good reasons, is afraid of the consequences that the victory of the opposition candidate would have on the parliamentary elections: the momentum that that victory would bring would simply wipe him from the scene.
On the other hand, he is counting on the same momentum, only from a different direction: if he stole the parliamentary elections with quality, his presidential candidate, prVrće po galavi Vučić, would have some kind of chance. Finally, as Nemanja Rujević notes, he also counts on possible demoralization opposition voters in case of successful theft of parliamentary elections.
Bone in the throat
Let's leave the matchmaking aside, with the remark that only the parliamentary opposition is still seen as a possible saving grace for Vučić. If, however, the opposition parties come to their senses and stand in one column, and in that column they support the students - which can be called a well-chosen national interest - Vučić's chances drop drastically. (This is not about simply adding up percentages, but about a psychological effect: one list is better than two.)
We will dwell on the possibility that Vučić will win the parliament, and the opposition public the president.
In the formal sense and in the distribution of power, it is quite clear that power is on the side of the parliamentary majority, and that the President of the Republic performs, according to the Constitution and laws, mainly procedural tasks. To that extent, from the position of president, Vučić rules illegally (illegally) and without justification (illegitimate). He violates the Constitution and laws of the Republic of Serbia every day.
However, if an honorable, brave and skilled man were to take the position of president, the matter would not be simple at all. Such a president of the Republic would be more than a bone in the throat of a group of people who usurped power.
Big election theft in the announcement
It is clear, of course, that Vučić can win the parliamentary elections - or any other - as he has done so far, only by stealing, and this theft is ongoing: media closure is a huge stolen piece; illegal use of Serbian citizens' money for party and private purposes - also; starting the police for party purposes - we don't even need to talk about it; falsified electoral lists, bringing in foreign citizens, hiring of thugs, Bulgarian trains, sacks full of falsified ballots and other shenanigans - all this is a robbery of the citizens' will. Vučić, therefore, rules illegally and illegitimately.
He could win the next election only at the cost of an even greater robbery, but if he has been able to get away with robbing the will of the citizens due to apathy, this time it will not be the case either on election day or after: we simply have no right to apathy (apart from white ballots, they are the vanguard of apathy).
To that extent, the successful theft of the parliamentary elections would have to trigger the will to elect a presidential candidate. And an honorable, brave and skilled man in the position of president, despite all the cannibalistic appetite of Vučić's propaganda media, could do a lot for this country and its citizens. Because, as Aleksandar Ivković noted, Vučić is no longer able to rule. Violence is not rule.
A normal and skilled president of the Republic would set things in motion with his authority, point out violations of the law (hands full, then), use his procedural powers to increase visibility, influence the Army, communicate with his foreign colleagues, and, despite legal restrictions and a certain media blockade, be a nasty cog in the wheels of the predatory and shameless Vučić machinery.
It was not without reason that Milošević nurtured ficuses in the position of President of the Republic (Milutinović, Lilić), when he was not in that position. Or, to invoke an image: an honorable president in a dishonorable system would be like a sheep's hole in a fabric that has already been thoroughly washed.
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