Delia who celebrate their "Orthodoxy" and Zvezdan Terzić, who kisses the hands of bishops whenever he meets them in the city, should know that some things are simply not done, Slobodan Georgiev writes for the new issue of "Vremena" about the celebration of Ratko Mladić at the stadium
The conflict between Veselin Milić and Marko Kričko (pictured), the two chiefs who emerged from the same political bed, illustrates in a stark way the depth of the institutional crisis in the most important sector in every state. If Kričak is a loyalist, then what about Milić, who has been there since the first days and who is the "keeper of all the secrets" of this regime? And if so, who dared to "go after" him in the first place if he is capable of delivering the criminal combinations of the top Serbian authorities on a platter
If the student movement is more concerned with "security assessments" than a real election campaign, it will lose what adorned it at the beginning and what shook progressive Serbia - the feeling of hope that exists and is real
Both Vučić and Dodik know that where they were walking now there are fewer inhabitants than when the war ended, and therefore less perspective. These two "Serbian leaders" seem not to have learned the messages of the past, at least when it comes to politics: Serbia did not progress when the Bosnian Serbs looked to Belgrade, as Vučić says, but when Serbia was the Piedmont of the entire Balkans, so everyone wanted to be with it.
The experience of negotiations under the auspices of the international community has shown that this regime will never allow itself to lose control in any institution, especially where it believes the heart of the regime lies. Management of the media sector is one of the two key foundations of the progressive government, and literally no one believes that Vučić and "his" could leave that steering wheel to someone else.
The arrest of the former head of the Belgrade Police Department, Veselin Milić, did not lead to what everyone could have expected - extensive investigations in the police and MUP of Serbia, which, like the new "Sablja", would cut off the head of the corrupt leadership of the institution that should cut off the heads of the corrupt and those involved in crime. Keeping the whole case within the regime and the absence of a real investigation speaks volumes. Approximately - as if there were some internal disagreements in the government itself
Why does the arrest of Belgrade's first policeman not lead to a new "Sablja"? "Vreme" writes about it in the new issue
What was the public image of Veselin Milić, and what was his relationship with Zvonko Veselinović, Nikola Petrović and Slaviš Kokez? "Vreme" writes about it in the new issue
How did the government remain silent after the arrest of the former head of the Belgrade police? What did the posts of the escaped convict and member of the "Kavak clan" Miloš Medenica show while the police remained silent? Why did the tabloids suddenly start stamping only official notices? Who are Saša Vuković Boske and Aleksandar Nešović Baja? What was the public image of Veselin Milić, and what was his relationship with Zvonko Veselinović, Nikola Petrović and Slaviš Kokez? Why was the former chief a kind of special species within Aleksandar Vučić's system of government? Where did Milić come from in the organization and concealment of a murder that has a mafia sign and can cases like this end in one murder?
This year we celebrate three "jubilees": 20 years since the founding of the Republic of Serbia as an independent state, 20 years since Dacic was at the top of the SPS, and 20 years since the death of Milošević. Ivica Dačić returned from the hospital with fanfare, while Branko Ružić says that SPS should be saved from voluntary euthanasia
Although there is no indication whether there will be extraordinary parliamentary elections and whether they will be merged with the regular presidential elections that must be held by the spring of 2027, the government has started at these levels. For this purpose, she launched an initiative on three levels - institutional, digital and shy going out on the street. The leading idea of all this was once formulated by the SPS: "If the elections are organized properly, the people do not have to go to them."
I guess from so many visits to the place of worship, I became a believer and started to see where God is when he is not in all these important buildings. Sometimes I see him in looking at my watch at the same time every day, and sometimes in a neighbor whom I literally meet every day when I go out into the street. It can't be that much of a coincidence! Until the next reading, God help me
As international relations become more complicated and conflicts intensify, it becomes increasingly clear that Aleksandar Vučić's ten-year claims that Serbia has brotherly relations with certain countries are nothing more than empty talk.
At the beginning, the propaganda and security camp in Pionirski Park was a place for "students who want to learn", and now Vučić calls it the "island of freedom". It turns out that the government is starting to liberate the state. From whom? Well, I guess from students and citizens, no one else
The opposition and the public in favor of it expect greater involvement of Europeans when it comes to the Serbian political space, the government uses such announcements to argue the thesis of a colored revolution, but would gladly host anyone from that side, especially if they give some money. It seems that both sides are exaggerating: neither Europe will come to organize elections for us, nor will any money arrive with which the government will patch the budget holes caused by extraordinary corruption costs.
Vučić is in a campaign in which he tries different messages and approaches because support has decreased, and his legitimacy has been called into question. And worse, his control of the street - which has been his main advantage over political opponents and rebellious citizens all along - is slowly eroding.
In addition to Andrej Vučić, Vlada Mandić and Ljuba Jovanović, former athletes who obviously have control over certain groups of "youngsters", took the place at the helm of the club. This especially applies to those from Republika Srpska because Mandic was active with them there as well. In addition to them, those from the public sector "who know how to fight" were hired, as was the case with Luka Petrović, the city secretary for investments.
As now, the president of Republika Srpska had a public argument with Sarajevo. As with Europe and the USA, under whose sanctions he and his family are. Despite this, his wealth increased and his power in the RS grew from year to year. If at the beginning of his career he seemed like a tough but reasonable politician, over time he turned into a headstrong and rude kabadah who disperses his enemies with noise and curses. Now, it seems, the bill has arrived for collection
Fake elections have been legalized in Serbia, Serbia is no exception to that, but if ever there was a living will in the people for change, that moment is happening right now. People seem to feel that if it doesn't happen now, the surrender is signed and the rest of Serbia will follow what happened to the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija: the slow but sure death of a community that has no future.
The ruling party campaigned in Zaječar and Kosjerić as in the center of Belgrade - it made small settlements out of tents, roasted piglets and kids, kneaded bread, poured brandy and juices and distributed daily allowances. Vučić turned the campaign into a production activity where there is an exact calculation of how much a vote "costs", and since he is able to determine the way in which public money will be spent, literally nothing is expensive for him. This is opposed by citizens who have decided not to be afraid, to accept the social risk, some at the cost of losing their jobs. Can the change that is talked about and believed in be seen in these two small sample fields?
The progressive government is fighting hand and foot to win in two different places, because they would not dare to look at Aleksandar Vučić if they lose. On the other hand, the rest of Serbia is rooting for them to start from Zaječar and Kosjerić, so that they "go in order" across the country and thus see the backs of those who have been governing in every place, every street and every village for 13 years.
The call for elections is a call to the regime, and it remains to be seen whether there will also be a student call to everyone else for a social agreement on how to oppose the regime in future elections. They can be announced unexpectedly quickly, and may not be there before some "regular appointment" unless there is extremely strong pressure on the street.
Students and citizens who accompany them on these walking feats, were welcomed as the most native together with those who came the day before from other places. A dove of peace was also released on the stage next to the promenade along the river - this symbolic gesture of the two students is the most impressive gesture of understanding and respect between the Bosniak and Serbian peoples since the end of the wars in the former Yugoslavia
It seems that Đuro Matsut is what a part of the public was looking for, and got in Vučić's perverse way: he is an expert who should lead the transitional Government of Serbia, but not in order to create a political consensus and calm the social crisis, but to bridge the time period until the moment when Vučić - formally or with Zoran Janković in the team - can again sit in the cabinet at Nemanja 11
While part of the public was disturbed by the fact that Aleksandar Vučić spoke with the European Union after March 15, it does not seem that this means anything to Brussels. Perhaps the new student pilgrimage to Strasbourg brings a little emotion into that fenced political space as well
Sporadic actions of the opposition are of less and less interest to the public. The people are starting to self-organize in the absence of faith that the current political parties can fundamentally change anything. On the other hand, the regime is shaken, but until the prosecutor and the police start making arrests on their own for corruption, and not by order, a political solution must be sought for what is happening in Serbia
The opposition did not boycott the parliament (except DS), but it did not block it either. There are many reasons, but now it is as it is. Obviously, the opposition is not able to make a common agreement and strategy, and then work according to some plan. Although it seemed that the event of Tuesday, March 4 was actually a continuation of what the citizens call "pumping", there is no hint that after this "parliamentary raid" that earned them a reputation as thugs (which is neither crucial nor that important), any other action will follow. It was known even before this that the parliament is a front, like all other institutions. It is not yet clear how that can change
